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Christopher    l.,e\ 


OF    YORK, 


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CHRISTOPHER    LEVETT 


OF  YORK. 


TABLE  OF  CONTENTS. 


Preface,      -         .         -                 .         .         .         .  vii 

Memoir  of  Christopher  Levett,     -        -        -  i 

A  Voyage  into  New  England,         -        -        -  89 

Appendix, 140 

Index, 152 


LIST  OF  ILLUSTRATIONS. 


The  City  of  York,  England,  in  Levett's  Time,       i 
The  Church  of  St.  Michael  le  Belfry,        -  7 


Title  page  of  Voyage  into  New  England, 
^  Map  of  Old  York,  .        .        -        - 

Levett  Genealogy,  .... 


79 


105 


140 


PREFACE. 


The  Maine  Historical  Society  published  in  1847  a 
book  of  thirty-four  pages,  bearing  the  attractive  title  of 
"A  Voyage  into  New  England^  begun  in  1623  and  ended 
in  1624,  Performed  by  Christopher  Leveti,  His  Majesty  s 
Woodward  0/  Somersetshire,  and  one  of  the  Council  of 
New  England,  printed  at  London  by  IVilliam  fones  and 
sold  by  Edward  Brewster,  at  the  sign  of  the  Bible,  in 
Paul's  Churchyard,  1628." 

This  reprint  of  a  very  rare  book  was  of  considerable 
interest  to  historical  students,  and  their  interest  in  the 
book  naturally  awakened  an  interest  in  its  author; 
hence,  the  frequent  enquiry,  "  Who  was  Christopher 
Levett?"  The  most  that  was  known  about  him  was 
that  he  was  a  Yorkshireman,  and  that  when  he  wrote 
his  book,  he  was  living  at  Sherborne,  in  Dorsetshire. 
Certainly  it  was  evident  that  he  was  a  man  of  some  im- 
portance, since  he  was  the  King's  Woodward  of  Somer- 
setshire, 


viii  PREFACE. 

setshire,  and  a  Councillor  of  New  England,  besides  being 
a  captain  in  the  royal  navy,  and  an  author ;  but  a  year's 
search  of  the  registers  of  Sherborne  and  neighboring 
parishes  failed  to  reveal  anything  respecting  him.  In  a 
visitation  of  the  county,  however,  made  in  1623,  was 
found  the  name  of  his  wife  and  several  of  his  children, 
which  was  considered  valuable  information,  since  it 
gave  some  idea  of  Levett's  social  status.  Of  course  the 
parishes  in  the  city  and  neighborhood  of  York  demanded 
attention ;  but  a  patient  search  of  their  registers  re- 
vealed but  little.  The  early  seat  of  the  family  was  found 
at  Normanton,  Yorkshire,  and  in  the  ancient  church  in 
that  town  was  found  an  interesting  tomb  erected  to 
Elizabeth  Levett,  the  founder  of  a  girls'  school  there. 
A  further  search. of  old  records  disclosed  the  fact,  that  a 
branch  of  the  family  settled  at  Melton,  where,  in  the 
old  church,  founded  in  the  reign  of  Henry  I,  was  found 
a  stained  window  bearing  the  Levett  arms.  The  regis- 
ters of  numerous  parishes  in  Yorkshire  were  carefully 
searched,  but  although  Levetts  were  found  here  and 
there,  offshoots  of  the  Normanton  family,  Christopher 
for  a  long  time  strangely  eluded  discovery.  Finally, 
however,  a  number  of  important  items  came  to  light ; 
first,  his  baptism  on  April  fifth,  1586,  and  the  name  of 
his  father,  Percival,  and  of  his  mother,  Elizabeth  Rother- 

ford; 


PREFACE.  ix 

ford ;  and  later  his  marriage  to  Mercy  More  in  the 
Church  at  Guisley  in  1608,  and  the  baptism  of  their 
four  children  at  All  Saints'  Pavement  in  York.  The 
families  of  his  father  and  mother  and  of  his  wife  were 
also  traced  through  records,  all  of  which  occupied  time, 
but  were  not  fruitless. 

A  considerable  collection  of  manuscript  notes  had 
now  been  gathered,  which,  with  numerous  letters  from 
antiquaries  and  others  to  the  author,  were  arranged  in 
a  scrap  book  in  chronological  order,  and  the  search  was 
continued  in  other  directions.  In  the  office  of  the  Public 
Records,  London,  important  matters  turned  up ;  a  letter 
written  by  Levett  to  Buckingham's  Secretary ;  the  letter 
book  of  Lord  Conway,  containing  items  relating  to 
Levett's  New  England  affairs,  and  a  proclamation  of 
Charles  the  First,  relating  to  the  same  subject;  but 
after  an  extended  search  of  several  years  more,  a  most 
valuable  find  was  made,  at  Melbourne  House,  in  Derby- 
shire, the  old  residence  of  Secretary  Coke,  comprising  a 
number  of  letters  written  by  Levett  to  the  Secretary, 
which  disclosed  many  important  facts  relative  to  the 
writer.  By  permission  of  Lord  Cowper,  Mr.  Fane  most 
kindly  copied  these  invaluable  documents,  and  they 
were  added  to  a  collection  which  was  growing  apace. 

But  there  was  one  discouraging  thing:  after   1628, 

persistent 


X  PREFACE. 

persistent  search  failed  to  find  anything  whatever  relat- 
ing to  Levett,  except  a  single  scrap  in  1632,  mentioning 
an  inheritance  of  one  of  his  daughters  from  her  father. 
This  revealed  the  important  fact  that  he  was  dead  at 
this  date.  In  Winthrop*s  Journal  was  an  entry  to  the 
effect,  that  when  the  Governor  landed  at  Salem  in  1630, 
John  Endicott  and  "  Captain  Levett "  came  on  board 
his  ship  to  welcome  him,  and  somewhat  later,  that "  Cap- 
tain Levett "  died  at  sea  on  his  return  voyage  to  England. 
Was  this  Christopher  Levett  .f^  No  proof  could  be 
adduced  in  support  of  such  a  supposition,  and  the  simple 
query  elicited  disapprobation,  as  unreasonable  as  unex- 
pected. The  query  was  certainly  a  proper  one,  and  the 
most  that  could  reasonably  be  said  in  reply  was,  that  it 
might  or  might  not  have  been.  At  last,  however,  a  visit 
was  paid  to  Bristol,  England,  the  home  of  the  Cabots, 
for  the  purpose  of  examining  the  ancient  records  there 
for  matters  relating  to  some  of  the  early  Colonists  of 
New  England.  Among  other  records  those  of  the  Pro- 
bate of  Bristol  were  examined,  and.  Eureka !  here  was 
the  proof  that  the  "  Captain  Levett "  of  Winthrop  was 
the  veritable  Christopher  himself,  the  unquestionable 
proof,  comprised  in  a  brief  record,  to  the  effect,  that  his 
wife,  Frances,  administered  upon  his  effects  brought  to  | 
Bristol  by  the  ship  upon  which  he  died. 

The 


I 


PREFACE.  xi 

The  author  had  now  gathered  enough  to  throw  con- 
siderable light  upon  this  first,  hitherto  unknown  owner,  of 
Portland  soil,  and  this  he  now  presents  in  the  following 
pages,  to  those  who  are  interested  in  such  subjects, 
regretting  deeply  that  he  has  been  unable  to  give  his 
readers  a  more  complete  account  of  the  man  himself. 
To  some  it  will  doubtless  seem  that  the  result  of  his 
undertaking  is  too  insignificant  to  warrant  the  labor 
bestowed  upon  it. 

Before  closing,  the  author  should  ackowledge  favors 
received  from  historical  friends.  He  cannot  too  fully 
express  his  deep  sense  of  obligation  to  Dr.  Francis 
Collins,  formerly  of  the  Charter  House,  London,  and 
now  of  Fulford,  York,  who  has,  to  use  the  words  of  the 
late  Rev.  Frederick  Brown,  "  lovingly  aided  "  the  author 
in  his  researches.  His  warm  thanks  are  likewise  due 
to  Dr.  John  Sykes,  of  Doncaster,  and  Wm.  Noel  Sanis- 
bury,  Esq.,  of  the  Rolls  House,  London.  To  Dr.  Chas. 
E.  Banks,  Hubbard  W.  Bryant  and  Henry  F.  Waters, 
the  author  is  also  indebted  for  favors. 

A  closing  word  in  relation  to  Levett's  book:  this 
it  was  thought  best  to  reproduce  with  all  its  quaint  spell- 
ings and  abbreviations ;  indeed,  with  all  its  errors.  The 
author  has  always  doubted  the  propriety  of  reproducing 
abbreviations  and  errors,  or  unusual  departures  from  the 

modern 


xii  PREFACE. 

modern  orthographical  standard,  but  the  custom  of 
printing  ancient  books  in  their  original  forms  has  been 
adopted  by  so  many  eminent  historical  scholars,  that  he 
has  thought  it  prudent  to  follow,  more  constieto. 

JAMES  PHINNEY  BAXTER. 

Mackworth  Island,  Sept.  i8,  1893. 


MEMOIR  OF  CHRISTOPHER  LEVETT. 


|HE  family  of  Levett'  is  of  ancient  origin,  and 
in  the  reign  of  Henry  the  seventh,  was  seated 
at  Normanton  in  Yorkshire,'  where  it  had 
flourished  for  many  generations. 

A  branch  of  the  family,  through  marriage  with  an 
heiress,  took  root  at  Melton,  as  we  know  from  a  deed  of 

partition 


1*  The  name  is  frequently  so  spelt 
in  ancient  annals,  and  is  the  form 
used  by  the  subject  of  this  memoir, 
as  will  be  seen  by  reference  to  his 
signature. 

2.  This  ancient  family  is  repre- 
sented in  the  Normanton  church  by 
a  brass  tablet  bearing  the  arms  of 
Levett,  sable,  a  fess  embattled,  coun- 
ter embattled  between  three  lions, 
heads  erased,  argent,  with  this  in- 
scription : 

**  Here  lieth  entombed  the  body  of 

Robert,  son  of  Thomas  Levett, 

of  Normanton,  Gnt.  who  was 

buryed  the  29  day  of  March, 


Anno  Dni.  1687, 
iEtatis  Suae.  29." 
Also  the  following  inscription  may 
be  seen  here : 

"  Normanton  Church, 
To  the  Memory 
of  Mrs.  Elizabeth  Levett,  widow,  who 
by  her  will,  vested  in  6  Trustees  £200, 
the  interest  of  one  for  the  use  of  the 
Poor  of  Normanton,  Snydale. 
The  interest  of  the  other  for  a  Dame 
to  teach  the  Girls  of  Normanton 
&  Woodhouse  to  read,  knit  &  sow. 
She  also  gave  £50,  half  of  it  condi- 
tionally to  build  a  poor  house  & 
the  other  for  the  use  of  the  poor." 


CHRISTOPHER  LEVETT. 


partition  of  lands,  dated  the  twentieth  of  June  in  the 
fourth  year  of  that  reign' ;  besides,  the  family  coat  of 
arms  may  still  be  seen  emblazoned  upon  a  stained  glass 
window  in  the  venerable  church  of  Melton,  which  was 
founded  in  the  reign  of  the  first  Henry, 

Other  offshoots  from  the  family  took  root  here  and 
there  in  Yorkshire ;  indeed,  for  many  generations  they 
did  not  grow  beyond  the  limits  of  the  old  county,  and 
the  persistency  with  which  they  clung  to  it  made  them 
distinctly  a  Yorkshire  family^ ;  hence  we  may  understand 
why  Christopher  Levett,  the  subject  of  this  brief  mono- 
graph, entitled  himself  on  several  occasions  as  of  York, 
even  after  he  had  removed  to  another  county  in  the 
English  realm.  It  was  but  an  exhibition  of  family  pride 
quite  as  pardonable  as  natural. 

Christopher  Levett  was  one  of  a  family  of  four  chil- 
dren born  in  the  city  of  York,  where  he  received  baptism 
at  All  Saints  Pavement  on  April  5,  1586. 

His  father  was  Percival  Levett,  innkeeper,  who  was  a 
man  of  character  and  influence,  since  he  was  made  free 
of  the  city  in  1581 ;  filled  the  office  of  City  Chamberlain 

in  1584, 


8.  Vide  Hunters'  South  York- 
shire. London,  1828,  Vol.  I,  p.  365. 

4.  Vide  Berry's  Sussex  Genealo- 
gies, pp.  229, 373 ;  Dallaway's  Sussex, 
Vol.  II,  Part  1,  p.  345;  Forster's  Vis- 


itation of  Yorkshire,  p.  644 ;  Harleian 
Society's  Publications,  Vol.  VIII.  p. 
437 ;  Hunters*  Deanery  of  Doncaster, 
Vol.  1,  p.  365;  Millers'  History  of 
Doncaster,  p.  186. 


i 


CHRISTOPHER  LEVETT.  3 

in  1584,  and  was  Sheriff  in  1597-8.  His  uncle,  Richard 
Levett,  was  also  a  man  of  note  in  his  native  town,  of 
which  he  was  mayor  in  1596,  and  again  in  1608.  The 
mother  of  Christopher  Levett  was  Elizabeth  Rotherforth, 
the  daughter  of  Alexander,  and  niece  of  Robert  Rother- 
forth, "  gent,"  as  the  records  designate  him,  from  whom 
she  inherited  property  in  Yorkshire.  Of  the  childhood 
and  youth  of  Christopher  Levett,  unfortunately  no  me- 
morials have  reached  us,  and  but  for  his  voyage  to  the 
shores  of  Casco  Bay,  his  very  name  would  have  been 
buried  in  oblivion.  His  youth  was  passed  in  stirring 
times,  when  Briton  and  Spaniard  were  engaged  in  a 
deadly  struggle  for  the  mastery  of  the  seas,  and  when  all 
eyes  were  turning  towards  a  new  world  in  the  West,  just 
emerging  from  an  obscurity  hitherto  impenetrable;  a 
richer  prize  than  had  yet  aroused  to  destructive  activity 
the  cupidity  of  the  nations  of  Europe. 

Sir  Francis  Drake  had  encompassed  the  world,  and 
tiie  marvelous  story  of  his  adventures  was  still  fresh, 
quickening  the  iaspirations  of  the  youth  of  that  age  of 
poetry  and  romance ;  of  measureless  ambition  and  mag- 
nificent achievement.  He  was  in  his  cradle  when  Drake 
scattered  to  the  winds  Spain's  invincible  Armada,  and  his 
infant  slumbers  must  have  been  disturbed  by  the  joyful 
tumult  with  which  the  tidings  of  that  beneficent  exploit 

was 


■J. 


4  CHRISTOPHER  LEVETT. 

was  welcomed  in  the  streets  of  his  native  town ;  and  later, 
he  must  have  often  listened  with  eager  ears  to  the  ad- 
ventures of  Hawkins  and  Drake,  Gilbert,  Ralegh  and 
Frobisher,  the  latter  of  whom  was  a  Yorkshireman,  told 
by  gossips  over  their  ale  in  his  father's  inn. 

Respecting  his  education,  we  know  that  he  received 
a  fair  one  for  his  time.  The  Levetts,  as  a  family,  favored 
letters,  John,  a  nephew,  was  an  author'' ;  Christopher 
himself  twice  adventured  authorship,  and  his  son  Jeremy 
graduated  at  Cambridge  and  became  a  preacher.  We 
may  well  picture  him  then,  trudging  to  school  through 
the  streets  of  the  old  town  where  the  Levett  inn  stood, 
and  follow  him  througli  the  varied,  but  familiar  experi- 
ences of  school  life,  until  the  time  arrived  for  him  to 
take  up  his  life  work;  and  what  so  attractive  to  the 
young  man  of  the  Elizabethan  age  as  a  life  of  maritime 
adventure  ? 

The  men  who  commanded  the  admiration  of  the 
world  in  this  age  were  mariners,  heroes  of  the  seas,  to 
whom  was  rendered  unstinted  worship.     No  names  stood 

higher 


6.    A  copy  of  a  book  in  the  British 

Museum  by   John   Levett,  entitled 

"  The  Ordering  of  Bees,"  printed  in 

London,  a.  d.  1634,  contains  a  preface 

by  "S.  Purcas"  in  rhyme.    One  of 

the  stanzas  is  as  follows : 

"  Thy  selfe,  thy  aelfe  enough,  enough 

thy  Booke, 


Thy  Booke  commands,  and  7,  my 

Levett,  leave  it. 
Here  in  small  Bees,  God's  greatnesse 

first  I  looke, 
And  thee  thy  selfe  though  dead  to 

live  yet." 

A  "John  Levet,  Merchant,"  was 

one  of  the  Virginia  Company,  named 

in  the  charter  of  23d  May,  1609. 


CHRISTOPHER  LEVETT.  5 

higher  on  the  roll  of  glory  than  those  of  Columbus  and 
Cabot.  These  great  navigators  were  regarded  almost 
as  demi-gods,  and  there  were  men  then  living,  who  re- 
ceived almost  as  rich  a  meed  of  reverence.  No  wonder, 
then,  that  Christopher  Levett,  when  he  reached  a  suitable 
age,  made  choice  of  the  sea  for  his  field  of  enterprise. 

Unfortunately  we  know  not  with  whom  he  served  his 
apprenticeship ;  but  no  doubt  with  some  of  the  seamen 
of  the  time,  whose  names  are  yet  familiar.  He  was  near- 
ing  manhood  when  Elizafceth  ended  her  brave  reign  so 
wretchedly,  and  was  succeeded  by  that  caricature  of 
royalty,  James  Stuart,  whose  pernicious  policy  caused 
England,  who  had  proudly  vaunted  herself,  to  become 
contemptible  among  the  nations  of  Europe,  who  were 
her  inferiors  in  all  things  which  constitute  true  national 
greatness. 

It  was  difficult  enough  in  Elizabeth's  reign  for  young 
men  to  make  their  way  in  life,  so  restrictive  were  the  laws, 
and  so  numerous  were  court  favorites,  who,  with  their 
monopolies,  blocked  the  course  of  commerce  and  ham- 
pered the  industries  of  the  nation ;  but  with  James  came 
a  more  rapacious  horde  of  these  creatures  of  royalty 
than  had  hitherto  oppressed  England,  and  to  make 
matters  worse,  the  avenue  to  military  success,  which  had 
been  a  principal  one,  was  suddenly  closed  by  the  new 

monarch, 


6  CHRISTOPHER  LEVETT. 

monarch,  to  whom  every  thing  which  savored  of  war 
was  odious ;  thus,  at  the  period  when  Christopher  Levett 
entered  manhood,  it  had  become  almost  impossible  for 
anyone  to  gain  access  to  any  avenue  of  success,  unless 
through  the  patronage  of  some  court  favorite. 

What  Levett's  course  was  at  this  time  we  know  not, 
but  later  on  we  find  him  attached  to  Buckingham,  the 
chief  of  that  swarm  of  vampires,  who  were  then  preying 

upon  the  English  people. 

« 

A  reaction  against  religious  tyranny  had  long  before 
begun,  and  as  it  progressed  it  drew  to  itself  those  opposed 
to  oppression  in  every  form.  Those  who  allied  them- 
selves to  this  movement  were  of  various  opinions,  and 
the  kind  and  degree  of  their  opposition  varied  accord- 
ingly. 

How  far  young  Levett  was  affected  by  this  movement, 
we  are  not  informed ;  but  we  find  him,  at  the  age  of 
twenty-one,  intimate  in  the  family  of  Robert  More,  rector 
of  Guisley,  a  famous  Puritan  of  his  day^  and  hence 
opposed  to  the  existing  order. 

It  is  the  old  story.  The  sturdy  Puritan  had  a  fair 
daughter,  named  after  the  Puritan  style,  Mercy,  and  with 

her 


6.  The  will  of  this  noted  man  was 
recently  discovered  by  Dr.  F.  Collins, 
of  Fulford,  York,  and  kindly  sent  to 
nie.    The  original,  knawed  by  rats 


and  otherwise  defaced,  has  been  care- 
fully copied  by  Dr.  Collins,  and  is 
deemed  of  sufficient  interest  to  be 
placed  in  the  appendix  to  this  work. 


i 


CHRISTOPHER  LEVETT.  7 

her  Christopher  fell  in  love,  and  found  his  affection  re- 
ciprocated. Evidently  the  father  looked  with  favor  upon 
his  daughter's  choice,  as  the  young  people  were  married 
in  the  church  at  Guisley  before  the  close  of  the  year  1608 ; 
Levett,  who  was  of  the  parish  of  St.  Michael  le  Belfry  at 
York,  having  obtained  there  a  license  to  be  married  in 
the  former  parish.  That  the  newly  married  couple  took 
up  their  residence  in  York,  we  learn  from  the  fact  that 
here  we  find  recorded  the  baptism  of  their  children.  The 
names  of  these,  all  baptized  at  All  Saints  Pavement,  are 
Sarah,  baptized  September  27,  1610;  Rebecca,  June  28, 
1 61 2;  Mary,  September  7,  161 3;  and  Jeremy  in  16 14. 

It  has  been  remarked  that  Christopher  Levett  had 
attached  himself  to  Buckingham,  which  accounts  for  his 
removal  from  York  and  residence  in  Sherborne  in  Dor- 
setshire, where  we  find  him,  in  161 8,  employed  in  the 
royal  forests. 

In  the  British  Museum  is  a  book  written  by  him  and 
published  at  the  time  by  William  Jones,  who,  a  few  years 
later,  published  his  Voyage  into  New  England. 

The  title  of  this  book  is  as  follows : 

"An 
Abstract 


OF 

Timber  Measures. 


Wherein 


I 


8  CHRISTOPHER  LEVETT. 

Wherein  is  contained  the  true  content  of  the 
Mast  timber  Trees  within  the  Realme  of 

England,  which  vsually  are  to 
be  bought  and  sold. 

Drawne  into  a  brief  Method  by  way  of  Arithmeticke 
and,  contrived  into  such  a  forme,  that  the  most  simple 
man  in  the  world,  if  he  doe  but  know  Figures  in  their 
places,  may  vnderstand  it,  and  by  the  due  observing  of 
it  shall  be  made  able  to  buy  and  sell  with  any  man  be  he 
never  so  skillful,  without  danger  of  being  deceived. 
By  C.  L.  of  Sherborne  in  the  Countie 
of  Dorset,  Gent. 

A  Toone  of  Timber  doth  containe  40  square  foot. 

In  a  foot  square  is 1 728  Inches. 

In  three-quarters  of  a  foot  is  ; 1296  Inches. 

In  halfe  a  foot  is 0864  Inches. 

In  a  quarter  of  a  foot  is 0432  Inches. 

Printed  by  William  lones,  1618." 

The  dedication  is — 

"  To  the  High  and  Mightie  James 

By  the  Grace  of  God, 

King  of  Great  Britaine,  France  and  Ireland." 

and  is  signed — 

''  Your 


CHRISTOPHER  LEVETT. 


44 


Your  Majesties  loyall 
subject  till  death. 

Christopher  Levett." 

The  book  is  commended — 

"  To  the  Right  Honorable  The  Nobilitie 
of  the  Realm  of  England  by 
Your  Honors  poore  friend." 

Under  a  quaint  head  piece  the  reader  is  also  ad- 
dressed as  follows : 

"  To  all  Timber  buyers  and  sellers  and 

all  others  that  deale  in  Timber  or  Timber  workes 

that  love  good  dealing,  and  to  be  well 

dealt  with. 

Your  Wel-willer, 
C.  LJ  " 

Then,  under  the  title  "An  Abstract  for  Timber- 
measures,"  are  tables  arranged  to  show  the  contents  of 
pieces  of  timber  of  various  sizes.  Levett's  book  evi- 
dently found  an  extensive  use,  as  it  furnished  a  ready 
means  for  ascertaining  the  contents  of  lumber  by  a 
method  then  quite  new;  indeed,  Levett  appears  as  a 

pioneer 


7.  It  18  doubtful  if  another  copy 
of  this  book  exists.  It  is  bound  witli 
•everal  other  unimportant  publica- 

2 


tions,  and  may  easily  escape  the  at- 
tention even  uf  one  interested  in  the 
subject 


lo  CHRISTOPHER  LEVETT. 

pioneer  in  compiling  tables  of  measurement.  This  book 
was  doubtless  of  benefit  to  the  author,  as  it  brought  him 
to  the  king's  attention.  He  was  acquainted  with  timber, 
and  possessed  of  a  knowledge  of  ships,  gained  from  his 
profession  of  a  mariner ;  hence,  he  was  well  fitted  for 
the  position  to  which  he  was  assigned,  that  of  Wood- 
ward, of  Somersetshire.  This  was  an  office  of  consid- 
erable importance,  as  it  placed  the  royal  forests  largely 
under  the  control  of  the  incumbent. 

From  these  forests  was  drawn  the  timber  for  the 
British  navy,  the  right  arm  of  English  power,  and  owing 
to  the  ignorance  or  dishonesty,  or  both  combined,  of  the 
officials  who  managed  them,  they  often  suffered  serious 
spoliation.  The  protection  of  the  forests  had  for  some 
time  been  a  subject  of  solicitude  to  those  who  had  the 
welfare  of  the  kingdom  at  heart,  and  methods  for  their 
preservation  had  been  discussed. 

The  Woodward's  duties  were  somewhat  onerous.  He 
was  not  only  expected  to  protect  the  growing  timber 
against  trespassers,  but  to  select  and  mark,  with  the 
king's  broad  arrow,  trees  suitable  for  conversion  into 
masts  for  the  royal  navy. 

Levett  claimed  to  have  performed  the  duty  disinter- 
estedly, and  for  the  best  interests  of  the  realm.  If  he 
did  this,  he  certainly  accomplished  what  some  of  his 

predecessors 


CHRISTOPHER  LEVETT.  ii 

predecessors  failed  to  accomplish,  if  the  stories  told  of 
the  management  of  the  forests  were  true. 

In  1623,  Levett,  who  is  spoken  of  as  one  of  the 
captains  of  his  Majesty's  ships,  was  still  a  resident  of 
Sherborne,  the  favorite  home  of  Ralegh.  His  wife, 
Mercy,  had  died,  and  he  had  married  Frances,  the 
daughter  of  Oliver  Lottisham,  Esq.,  of  Farrington,  Som- 
.  ersetshire,  and  their  children  were  Timothy,  then  aged 
eight,  and  Elizabeth,  aged  six  years.  The  Lottishams 
were  an  old  county  family  of  distinction,  and  this  marriage 
gives  us  an  idea  of  Levett's  social  standing. 

The  public  interest  in  the  new  world  had  been  aroused 
to  a  remarkable  degree  by  the  opposition,  which  had  been 
raised  in  Parliament  against  the  charter  of  the  Council 
for  New  England,  on  account  of  the  monoply  which  it 
was  attempting  to  exercise  in  accordance  with  the  priv- 
ileges which  had  been  conferred  upon  it  by  Royal  char- 
ter. 

A  clamor  was  raised  against  the  Council,  the  head 
and  front  of  which  was  Sir  Ferdinando  Gorges.  The 
indefatigable  efforts  of  Gorges  to  open  New  England  to 
colonization,  aided  by  Captain  John  Smith  and  others, 
who  had  visited  the  coast  and  returned  home  with  some 
knowledge  of  the  vast  resources  of  the  country,  and  es- 
pecially the  achievement  of  the  brave  men,  who  had  suc- 
cessfully 


12  CHRISTOPHER  LEVETT. 

cessfully  established  themselves  at  Plymouth,  had  at 
last  awakened  the  English  people  to  a  partial  realization 
of  the  fact  that  their  colonial  possessions  in  the  West 
were  important,  and  this  tended  to  increase  hostility 
to  the  monopolists.  Within  the  territory  of  this  vast 
monopoly,  which  extended  from  the  fortieth  to  the  forty- 
eighth  parallel  of  latitude,  and  from  the  Atlantic  to  the 
Pacific,  it  was  ^  necessary  to  establish  some  degree  of  . 
governmental  order. 

The  powers  of  the  Council  were  extensive,  as  it  had 
ample  authority  to  enact  laws  and  to  establish  courts ; 
in  fact,  to  create  and  set  in  motion  everything  necessary 
to  energetic  rule ;  nor  was  its  jurisdiction  confined  by 
territorial  limits,  but  extended  to  those  on  the  high  seas, 
who  were  coming  to  or  departing  from  its  domain. 
Besides  these  remarkable  powers,  the  Council  could  con- 
trol the  entire  commerce  of  New  England.  No  vessel 
engaged  in  commerce  could  enter  a  seaport  or  river,  or 
touch  at  an  island  within  the  limits  of  the  Council's 
charter,  without  incurring  liability  to  seizure  and  confis- 
cation. Nor  was  this  enough ;  the  Captain  and  crew 
might  be  imprisoned  and  punished  in  any  manner  not 
contrary  to  the  laws  and  statutes  of  England.*  Such 
powers  imposed  heavy  responsibilities  upon  those  who 

might 


8.     Vide  Sir  Ferdinando  Gorges 
and  his  Province  of  Maine,  Boston, 


1890,  Prince  Society,  Vol.  2.  pp.  123- 
148. 


CHRISTOPHER  LEVETT.  13 

might  wield  them,  and  it  was  necessary  for  the  Council 
to  select  men  of  character  and  ability  to  represent  it. 

At  this  time  Christopher  Levett  was  contemplating 
a  voyage  to  New  England  with  the  view  of  establishing 
a  colony. 

On  the  fifth  of  May,  1623,  the  Council  for  New  Eng- 
land voted  to  grant  him  6000  acres  of  land,  to  be  selected 
by  him  within  the  limits  of  its  charter,'  and  Levett  at 
once  set  on  foot  measures  to  accomplish  his  purpose. 
A  prominent  feature  of  his  plan  was  to  erect  a  city  within 
the  territory  controlled  by  him,  and  to  christen  it  after 
his  native  city,  York.  Not  only  was  this  grateful  to  his 
pride  as  a  citizen  of  the  minster  town,  but  it  was  expected 
that  the  novel  enterprise  would  attract  the  attention  of 
his  Yorkshire  friends,  and  enlist  their  interest.  His  first 
step,  after  securing  his  grant,  was  to  get  the  ear  of  Secre- 
tary Conway,  whose  influence  was  secondary  only  to 
that  of  Buckingham,  and  in  this  he  so  far  succeeded,  that 
he  not  only  obtained  from  the  obliging  Secretary  his 
own,  but  also  the  king's  endorsement  of  the  enterprise, 
as  we  learn  from  the  following  letter,  addressed  by  Con- 
way to  the  Lord  President  of  York.'**  Right 


9.  Vide  Records  of  the  Council 
for  New  England,  Cambridge,  1867, 
p.  46.  '*  In  consideraQon  of  a  statute 
given  by  Mr.  Christopher  Levitt,  Esqr, 
for  jCIIO  to  bee  a  principall  patten  tee. 
Prout  pr  statute.  It  is  ordered  that 
a  grant  bee  made  uuto  Mr.  Levitt  for 


6,000  acres  of  land,  prout,  &c.  This 
grartt  was  drawne  by  S'  Henry  Spel- 
man  and  signed,  prout,  &c." 

10.  Vide  Conway's  Letter  Book, 
No.  218,  p.  68,  in  the  office  of  the 
Public  Records,  London,  for  the  orig- 
inal of  this  letter. 


14  CHRISTOPHER  LEVETT. 

Bight  Honorable: 

I  am  commanded  by  his  Ma.,  to  acquaint  yo.  Ld.  with  the  good 
judgment  his  Ma.,  makes  of  the  undertaking  in  New  England  more 
particularly  of  the  plantaijon  intended  in  that  part  by  his  servant 
Mr.  Christopher  Levett  one  of  the  Counsell  for  the  settlement  of 
the  planta^on  where  he  hath  one  designe  that  is  generally  honorable 
to  the  Nation  and  to  the  p'ticular  County  and  City  of  Yorke  intend- 
ing to  build  a  Citty  and  call  it  by  the  name  of  Yorke.  This  appli- 
cation of  his  whole  designe  to  the  p'ticular  County  of  Yorke, 
deserves  p'ticular  contribution  of  favo.  towards  this  soe  notable  a 
good  worke.  His  sute  is  that  he  might  have  Adventurers  to  joyne 
w.,  him  to  sett  forth  fiftie  men  w.,  fiftie  others  that  he  intends  to 
carrie  over,  1 1  and  that  such  as  shal  be  unwilling  to  adventure  may 
neverthelesse  be  mooved  to  contribute  towards  building  of  a  Fort 
which  he  intends  to  make  for  the  preservation  of  those  i*  that  are 
to  depend  upon  him,  &  to  secure  tiie  planta9on.  His  Ma.,  request 
therefore  to  yo.  L.  is  that  yo.  will  employ  your  industrie  and  yo. 
judicious  mediation  betweene  the  Gentlemen  of  that  Countie  and 
Mr.  Levett  and  by  all  fair  psuasions  to  weane  from  the  Countie 
some  assistance  upon  such  conditions  as  may  be  just  and  suteable 
w.  his  reputa^on  w.  favo.  his  Ma.,  will  acknowledge  as  done  att  his 
request.     And  1  am  glad  of  this  opportunity  to  doe  this  Gentleman 

a  good 


11.  In  the  original  the  following 
words  after  the  word  "over,"  are 
era«ed,  **  or  else  that  he  might  have 
some  contribution  to  enable  him  to 
take  with  him  these  fiftie  men  he 


raifteth  hiniHelfe  he  being  resolved  to 
make  a  effort." 

12.  After  the  word  "those"  the 
following  words  are  erased,  *'  wch 
shall  preserve  all.' 


II 


CHRISTOPHER  LEVETT.  15 

a  good  office  and  to  present  my  service  to  yo.  L.  w.  that  affection 
&  respect  w.  becomes 

Yo.  Lo.,  humble  servant, 

EDW.  CONWAY.  13 

Greenwich,  26  June  1623. 

Although  Levett  had  this  strong  endorsement,  which 
without  doubt  engaged  the  active  efforts  of  Lord  Scrope'* 
in  his  behalf,  he  did  not  succeed  in  getting  so  many  of 
his  old  Yorkshire  friends  to  join  him  in  his  promising 
enterprise  as  he  had  hoped  to  get ;  nevertheless,  he  ob- 
tained a  ship  and  a  number  of  men,  and  with  them  set 
out  for  New  England,  not  long  after  the  date  of  this 
letter. 

It  had  been  arranged  that  Levett  was  to  be  one  of 
the  councillors  in  the  new  government,  which  the  Coun- 
cil for  New  England  contemplated  setting  up  in  their 
domain.  The  head  of  this  government  was  Robert 
Gorges^'*  the  younger  son  of  Sir  Ferdinando,  who  was 

commissioned 


13.  Edward,  Lord  Conway,  Secre- 
tary of  State,  afterwards  Viscount 
Killaltagh  and  Viscount  Conway. 

14.  Lord  Emanuel  Scrope,  Lord 
President  of  York,  afterwards  Earl 
of  Sunderland. 

1&  A  l)rief  account  of  Robert 
Grorgesisto  be  found  in  Sir  Ferdi- 
nando Grorges  and  his  Province  of 
Maine,  Boston,  Prince  Society,  Vol. 
II,  p.  167.    Bradford,  in  his  History  of 


Plymouth  Plantation,  p.  148.  et  seq., 
says ;  "  About  ye  middle  of  Septem- 
ber arrived  Captaine  Robert  Gorges 
in  ye  Bay  of  ye  Massachusetts  with 
sundrie  passengers  and  families,  in- 
tending there  to  begine  a  plantation ; 
and  pitched  upon  ye  place  Mr.  Wes- 
ton's people  had  forsaken. 

He  had  a  comission  from  ye  Coun- 
sell  of  New  England  to  be  a  generall 
Gover.  of  ye  cuotries,  and  they  ap- 


i6 


CHRISTOPHER  LEVETT. 


commissioned  Governor  and  Lieutenant  General  of  New 
England.  The  other  councillors  were  Captain  Francis 
West'*  and  the  Governor  of  New  Plymouth.  In  addition 
to  his  office  of  councillor,  Captain  West  held  a  commis- 
sion as  Admiral,  and  Captain  Thomas  Squibb'^  as  Vice 
Admiral,  of  New  England.  These  had  authority  to 
choose  such  associate  councillors  as  they  might  think 
necessary  to  aid  them  in  the  administration  of  the  new 
government.  As  the  church  was  to  be  erected  in  the 
wilderness,  the  Reverend  William  Morrell'*  was  charged 
with  that  important  undertaking.  All  these  men  were 
of  good  character  and  possessed  of  fair  ability. 

In  spite  of  the  clamor  which  had  been  raised  against 
the  monopoly  of  Gorges  and  his  associates,  the  king's 
sympathies  were  with  them,  and  his  Privy  Council  fol- 
lowed 


pointed  for  his  counsell  and  assist- 
ance, Captaine  Francis  West,  ye 
aforesaid  admirall,  Cliristopher  Lev- 
ite,  Esquire,  and  ye  Govr.  of  Plimotti 
for  ye  time  beeing,  &c/' 

16.  Vide  Sir  Ferdinand©  Gorges 
and  bis  Province  of  Maine,  Vol.  I,  p. 
128. 

17.  Capt.  Thomas  Squibb,  who 
bore  the  somewhat  exaggerated  title 
of  Vice  Admiral  in  this  expedition, 
belonged  to  a  class  of  roving  adven- 
turers of  which  Capt.  John  Smith 
was  a  typical  representative. 

Some  time  previous  to  his  appoint- 


ment under  West,  he  had  been  a 
captive  in  Algiers,  and  upon  regain- 
ing bis  liberty,  found  congenial  em- 
ployment in  a  fleet  sent  out  from 
England  to  reduce  the  pirates. 

He  did  not  long  remain  in  New 
England  to  help  prop  up  the  govern- 
ment of  Gorges,  for  we  tind  him,  ere 
long,  a  privateersman,  despoiling  the 
enemies  of  England,  in  which  profit- 
able occupation,  diligently  followed 
by  him  for  several  years,  the  world 
loses  sight  of  him  forever. 

18.     Vide  Ibid,  Vol.  1,  p.  129. 


CHRISTOPHER  LEVETT.  17 

lowed  the  views  of  the  monopolists  in  shaping  orders  for 
the  regulation  of  trade  in  New  England.  These  were 
strict,  and  the  Admiral  was  directed  to  affix  them  to  the 
mainmast  of  every  ship  bound  for  New  England. 

Christopher  Levett  reached  the  Isles  of  Shoals,  which 
appear  to  have  been  his  first  landfall  after  leaving  the 
shores  of  England,  in  the  autumn  of  1623,  where  he 
landed,  and  from  there  proceeded  to  a  place  now  known 
as  Odione's  Point,  at  the  mouth  of  the  Piscataqua,  where 
David  Thompson,  an  enterprising  young  man,  had,  a 
few  months  before,  settled  a  small  colony.  Here  Levett 
found  Governor  Gorges  and  other  members  of  the  new 
government  awaiting  his  arrival ;  and  here,  after  Levett 
had  received  the  oath  of  office,  was  formally  organized 
the  first  government,  de  jure  if  not  de  facto^  over  New 
England.  Levett  was  obliged  to  remain  at  Thompson's 
for  a  month,  though  he  made  good  use  of  his  time  in 
exploring  the  country  in  the  vicinity,  in  order  to  collect 
his  men,  many  of  whom  had  already  found  their  way  to 
New  England  before  him,  and  were  awaiting  his  arrival, 
probably  about  the  mouth  of  the  Saco  and  Spurwink, 
and  perhaps  at  points  even  further  East. 

The  season  was  far  advanced  when  his  men  assembled 
at  Thompson's,  and  it  proved  to  be  unpropitious  for  ex- 
ploration ;  but  dividing  his  company  into  two  parties,  he 

coasted 
3 


i8  CHRISTOPHER  LEVETT. 

coasted  Eastward,  suffering  much  inconvenience  from 
the  rough  weather  which  he  encountered,  as  he  had  only 
open  boats  with  which  to  explore  the  coast.  His  courage 
and  cheerful  disposition,  however,  were  equal  to  the  occa- 
sion, and  defied  the  wild  storms  of  sleet  and  snow  which 
assailed  him.  After  examining  the  region  about  the 
York  river,'^  which  he  found  suitable  for  planting,  he  pro- 
ceeded to  the  Kennebunk  and  explored  the  little  harbor 
of  Cape  Porpoise,  which  did  not  impress  him  favorably, 
though  he  noticed  good  timber  in  the  vicinity.  From 
here  he  set  his  course  for  Saco,  losing  one  of  his  men  on 
the  way ;  in  what  manner  he  does  not  explain ;  and  had 
not  proceeded  far  before  a  thick  fog  curtained  the  land 
from  view.  He  was,  however,  wise  enough  before  losing 
sight  of  land  to  take  its  bearings,  which  enabled  him  to 
keep  his  course  correctly.  The  wind,  which  was  blowing 
off  shore,  kept  increasing  in  violence,  and  as  night  shut 
down  upon  Levett  and  his  boat's  crew,  for  the  other  boat 
had  disappeared,  their  condition  was  perilous.  This  they 
realized  and  took  counsel  together  as  to  the  best  method 
to  adopt  for  their  safety.  The  roaring  of  the  great  waves 
as  they  broke  along  the  beaches,  which  here  fringe  the 
coast  for  a  long  distance,  made  the  gloom  of  night,  as  it 
gathered  about  them,  all  the  more  terrible.  It  was  im- 
possible to  make  a  landing  owing  to  the  dangerous  surf, 

and 

19.    Vide  Sir  Ferdinando  Gorges  and  his  Province  of  Maine,  Vol.  I,  p.  130. 


CHRISTOPHER  LEVETT.  19 

and  throwing  out  their  little  anchor,  Levett  and  his  weary 
crew  anxiously  wished  for  the  day.  At  dawn,  "with 
much  ado,"  they  made  a  landing  and  found  the  other 
boat  safe.  Putting  up  a  feeble  shelter  against  the  storm 
with  their  sails,  for  five  days  they  retained  this  place 
as  a  base  from  which  to  make  their  explorations.  Here 
they  found  plenty  of  wild  fowl,  upon  which  they  regaled 
themselves,  and  save  for  the  fact  that  they  were  obliged 
to  sleep  in  their  wet  clothing,  on  the  water  soaked  and 
frosty  ground,  they  were  not  badly  off.  When  the  storm 
permitted,  Levett,  taking  with  him  six  men,  set  out  on 
foot  to  explore  the  coast,  but  after  proceeding  about  two 
miles  he  found  an  impassable  barrier  to  further  progress 
in  the  Saco  river,  which  compelled  him  to  return  to 
camp,  and  finding  the  marsh  grass  sufficiently  dry,  he 
set  his  men  gathering  it  for  a  bed,  which  he  greatly  en- 
joyed ;  or  as  he  himself  expressed  it,  "  rested  as  con- 
tentedly  as  ever  I  did  in  all  my  life  " ;  indeed,  he  was 
reminded  by  the  comfort,  which  the  dry  straw  gave  him, 
of  the  merry  saying  of  a  beggar,  that  if  he  were  ever  "  a 
king,  he  would  have  a  breast  of  mutton  with  a  pudding 
in  it,  and  lodge  every  night  up  to  the  ears  in  dry  straw," 
and  with  the  abundant  cheerfulness  which  marked  his 
character,  he  kept  his  companions  in  good  spirits  by 
witty  anecdotes,  wholesomely  spiced  with  piety,  to  the 

effect 


20  CHRISTOPHER  LEVETT. 

effect  that  they  were  having,  even  then,  much  greater 
blessings  than  they  deserved  at  God's  hands.  The  next 
day  Levett  sent  one  of  his  boats  with  four  men  to  skirt 
the  shore  along  the  mouth  of  the  Saco,  while  he  with 
three  others  set  off  across  the  country  on  foot,  with  the 
intention  of  meeting  the  boat  and  crossing  the  river  in 
it,  but  bad  weather  and  deep  snow  prevented,  and  com- 
pelled him  and  his  companions  to  sleep  upon  the  river's 
bank,  almost  without  shelter. 

When  morning  came,  they  crossed  the  Saco  and 
explored  the  coast  as  far  east  as  the  Spurwink.  Every- 
where they  found  abundance  of  game,  which  in  a  measure 
compensated  for  the  many  deprivations,  which  they  were 
obliged  to  suffer.  A  primeval  forest  fringed  the  shores, 
from  which  loomed  above  their  fellows  immense  pines 
suitable  for  the  tallest  ships  which  sailed  the  seas,  and  in 

greater  profusion  than   Levett  had  ever  pictured  in  his 

• 

dreams;  as  he  expressed  it,  there  was  everywhere,  "a 
world  of  fowl  and  good  timber."  The  Saco  River  was  the 
strongest  he  had  ever  beheld,  owing  to  the  force  of  its 
current,  which  was  so  strong  that  he  found  the  water  "  in 
the  very  main  ocean  "  as  fresh  as  from  "  the  head  of  a 
spring."  This  strange  river,  he  was  told  by  the  savages, 
issued  from  a  great  mountain  to  the  west,  called  the 
Crystal  Hill,  so  high  as  to  be  seen  by  mariners  as  far 
west  as  Cape  Cod,  and  east,  as  Monhegan.  Old 


CHRISTOPHER  LEVETT.  21 

Old  Orchard  Beach,  which  Champlain  and  De  Monts 
had  visited  and  described,  when,  seventeen  years  before, 
they,  like  Levett,  were  seeking  for  a  place  where  they 
might  settle  a  colony,  attracted  his  attention,  but  Ifke 
his  predecessors,  he  did  not  deem  it  suitable  for  habita- 
tion ;  an  opinion  in  which  the  many,  who  now  so  happily 
sojourn  there,  would  not  acquiesce.  None  of  these  places 
fully  satisfied  our  explorer,  and  he  returned  to  the  camp 
where  he  had  left  a  number  of  his  men  at  "  Saco  " ;  not  the 
site  of  the  present  city  of  that  name,  but  nine  miles  below 
it,  at  a  place  now  called  the  Pool,  where  Richard  Vines, 
the  then  future  founder  of  Biddeford,  had  passed  a  winter 
with  the  natives  a  few  years  before.  Here  he  was 
seized  with  a  chill,  the  result  of  excessive  toil  and  expo- 
sure to  wet  and  cold,  from  which,  however,  thanks  to  a 
hardy  constitution,  he  soon  recovered.  Having  prepared 
for  a  more  extended  exploration,  he  set  out  with  his 
entire  company,  and  skirted  the  coast  until  he  reached 
the  islands  at  the  mouth  of  Portland  Harbor.  These 
islands,  now  known  as  House,  Cushing's,  Peak's,  and 
Diamond,  with  the  harbor  which  they  helped  to  form, 
pleased  him.  The  region  he  calls  by  the  not  eupho- 
nious name  of  Quack,  which  probably  but  imperfectly 
represents  the  sound  in  the  Indian  tongue. 

Levett  explored  the  harbor  and  rowed  up  Fore  river, 

which 


22 


CHRISTOPHER  LEVETT. 


which  he  named  Levett's  river,  and  which,  the  Indians 
informed  him,  abounded  with  salmon  in  their  season. 
Although  inwardly  resolving  to  make  this  the  site  of  his 
future  city,  he  wished  to  study  the  coast  eastward,  and 
pushed  on  past  Munjoy  to  the  mouth  of  the  Presump- 
scot.  This  beautiful  river,  with  the  green  island  at  its 
outlet^°  dividing  its  waters  as  they  course  to  the  sea, 
must  have  presented  a  striking  picture  to  Levett,  as  he 
rounded  Martin's  Point,^'  with  its  wide  spreading  oaks 
and  lofty  pine.s  sweeping  to  the  water's  edge.  Pulling 
up  toward  the  first  fall  of  the  Presumpscot,  which  he 
declares  to  be  "  bigger  than  the  fall  at  London  bridge," 
he  soon  came  in  sight  of  the  home  of  the  red  men,  who 
welcomed  him  with  abundant  hospitality  ;  the  chief  shar- 
ing with  him  his  own  habitation.  This 


20.  Mack  worth  Island,  granted  to 
Arthur  Mackworth  by  Richard  Vines, 
acting  in  behalf  of  Sir  Ferdinando 
Gorges,  the  Lord  Proprietor,  March 
SO,  1635.  Mackworth's  residence  was 
on  the  point  bearing  his  name  oppo- 
site the  island,  which  pedestrians  can 
reach  by  a  bar  left  bare  at  low  tide. 
This  island  was  a  favorite  resort  of 
the  Indians,  whose  camps  surrounded 
its  bold  shores.  Recently  a  large 
portion  of  it  was  ploughed  for  the 
first  time,  exposing  the  locations  and 
forms  of  the  ancient  camps,  and  un- 
earthing various  implements,  frag- 
ments of  aboriginal  pottery,  bones 


and  ashes.  Though  more  than  two 
hundred  and  fifty  years  have  passed 
since  it  was  granted  to  Arthur  Mack- 
worth,  it  still  bears  the  name  of  its 
first  owner. 

21.  This  beautiful  promontory, 
now  crowned  by  the  U.  S.  Marine 
Hospital  buildings,  derives  its  name 
from  Richard  Martin,  an  illiterate 
fisherman,  first  in  the  employ  of  John 
Winter,  the  agent  of  Robert  Trelawny, 
at  Richmond's  Island,  but  who,  after 
the  wreck  of  Trelawny's  enterprise, 
settled  on  this  point  and  became  Ar- 
thur Mackworth's  nearest  neighbor. 


CHRISTOPHER  LEVETT.  23 

This  locality  seems  to  have  been  a  convenient  rendez- 
vous for  the  Indians,  for  while  Levett  sojourned  with 
Skitterygusset,  the  sagamore  of  the  Presumpscot,  several 
chiefs  from  east  and  west  gathered  here  in  a  friendly 
manner,  bringing  their  families  with  them,  and  such  furs 
as  they  had  gathered  during  the  winter,  to  barter  with  the 
English.  With  these  savages  Levett  soon  found  him- 
self on  friendly  terms,  and  when  he  left  the  Presumpscot, 
Sadamoyt,  the  great  chief  of  the  Penobscots,  in  a  fervor 
of  affectionate  feeling,  pressed  upon  him  a  beaver  skin, 
as  a  token  of  esteem. 

In  spite  of  his  predilection  for  Portland  Harbor, 
Levett  prolonged  his  voyage  to  the  vicinity  of  the  Saga- 
dahoc, where  Gorges,  always  confidently  hoping  to  re- 
trieve the  failure  of  his  enterprise  under  Popham,  was 
intending  to  found  a  "  state  county,"  and  to  build  a  city, 
which  was  to  have  the  honor  of  being  christened  by  the 
king. 

Levett,  in  his  voyage  along  the  shores  of  Maine,  found 
the  Indians  everywhere  kindly  disposed  towards  him, 
and  numerous  sites  suitable  for  plantation.  His  heart, 
however,  was  set  on  the  region  about  Portland  Harbor, 
which  his  practiced  eye  told  him  was  the  most  suitable 
place  on  the  coast  for  a  maritime  city,  and  after  a  brief 

examination 


24  CHRISTOPHER  LEVETT. 

* 

examination  of  the  Eastern  coast,  he  returned  there  and 
selected  the  site  for  his  prospective  city  of  York. 

Levett's  probity  was  as  marked  as  his  sagacity,  and 
instead  of  seizing  upon  the  land  by  virtue  of  his  English 
patent,  he  procured  from  Cogawesco,  the  Sagamore  of 
Casco,  and  his  wife,  permission  to  occupy  it,  recognizing 
them  as  inhabitants  of  the  country,  and  as  having  "  a 
natural  right  of  inheritance  therein."  This  is  in  marked 
contrast  with  most  other  patentees  of  lands  in  New 
England,  and  is  highly  to  his  credit.  By  this  wise  act, 
he  secured  the  good  will  of  the  Indians  and  thereby 
greatly  strengthened  his  position ;  indeed,  he  so  won 
upon  the  affections  of  the  childish  and  passionate  natives, 
that  they  strove  to  persuade  him  not  to  leave  them,  but 
to  remain  and  share  their  rude  lot.  Having  secured  the 
site  for  his  city,  Levett  promptly  set  about  erecting 
a  habitation,  fortified  to  protect  its  inmates  from  attack 
by  the  Indians,  who  thronged  the  bay  in  search  of  fish 
and  game ;  indeed,  the  islands  and  shores  of  Casco  Bay 
were  as  much  a  summer  resort  of  the  Indians  as  they 
now  are  for  men  of  another  race. 

Having  completed  his  building  on  an  island  at  the 
mouth  of  the  harbor,  and  placed  in  it  ten  men  to  hold 
possession,  Levett  bade  adieu  to  his  Indian  friends,  who 
expressed  sorrow  at  his  departure,  assuring  him  that  they 

should 


CHRISTOPHER  LEVETT.  25 

should  watch  the  sea  for  his  return,  and  should  welcome 
him  and  the  friends  whom  he  might  bring  with  him  to 
his  new  home. 

When  Levett  reached  England,  he  found  affairs  there 
unfavorable  for  his  undertaking.  The  patent  for  New 
England,  under  which  he  had  received  title,  had  been 
on  trial  before  Parliament,  and  had  been  adversely 
passed  upon  as  a  monoply.  There  was  also  trouble  with 
Spain,  owing  to  the  rupture  of  the  marriage  contract  be- 
tween Prince  Charles  of  England  and  the  Princess  Maria 
of  Spain,  brought  about  by  the  intrigues  of  Buckingham. 
A  new  danger,  still  greater,  threatened  Englishmen  who 
had  already  settled  in  New  England  or  contemplated 
settling  there ;  as  the  French  monarch,  whose  sister,  the 
Princess  Henrietta,  had  taken  the  place  of  the  Spanish 
Princess  in  the  affections  of  Prince  Charles,  laid  claim  to 
a  large  portion  of  the  American  continent,  embracing 
the  whole  of  New  England. 

The  enthusiasts,  who  had  founded  powerful  States, 
and  prosperous  cities  in  New  England,  with  materials  no 
more  substantial  than  paper  and  ink,  lost  heart,  and 
Levett  found  none  bold  enough  to  join  him  in  his 
enterprise.  No  matter  how  fervent  his  faith  in  the  new 
country,  its  possession  under  a  title  from  the  Council, 
or  even  from  the  English  Crown,  might  be  disputed. 

Surely 


26  CHRISTOPHER  LEVETT. 

Surely  there  was  little  to  warrant  men  to  encounter  the 
perils  with  which  emigration  was  surrounded. 

Baffled  in  his  efforts  to  interest  others  in  his  New 
England  scheme,  Levett  now  sought  a  command  in  one 
of  the  many  expeditions  fitting  out  for  foreign  service. 
The  Count  of  Mansfeldt  had  raised  a  large  force  of  Eng- 
lishmen, and  the  fleet  bearing  them  had  sailed  from 
Dover  some  weeks  before  Levett  sighted  the  shores  of  his 
native  land ;  indeed,  when  he  arrived,  news  was  already 
reaching  England  of  the  dire  disasters  which  were  befall- 
ing this  ill-planned  expedition,  but  which  only  served  to 
fire  the  ambition  of  aspiring  adventurers. 

The  Christmas  of  1624  was  passed  by  Levett  in  the 
bosom  of  his  family,  at  his  home  in  Sherborne.  His  last 
Christmas  had  been  spent  on  the  wild  shores  of  Maine, 
amid  savage  people,  exposed  to  bitter  blasts  and  restricted 
to  meager  fare ;  but  now,  at  home  in  Merry  Old  Eng- 
land, having  safely  returned  from  a  voyage,  the  hardships 
and  hazards  of  which  were  appalling  to  homefolk,  we 
may  well  believe  that  he  gave,  by  his  presence  at  the 
family  fireside  and  his  stories  of  strange  adventure,  a 
keen  zest  to  the  joy  of  those  who  shared  with  him  the 
happiness  of  that  happiest  of  festal  days,  and  that  wife, 
children  and  kinsfolk  united  in  making  the  occasion  as 
joyful  as  possible.    But  Levett  was  a  man  who  could  not 

long 


CHRISTOPHER  LEVETT.  27 

long  remain  idle,  and  the  sounds  of  busy  preparation, 
which  came  to  him  from  every  quarter,  prompted  him  to 
action;  therefore,  while  he  was  eating  his  Christmas 
dinner,  and  relating  stories  of  his  savage  friends  in  Casco 
Bay,  he  was  thinking  of  a  letter  to  be  written  to  Secre- 
tary Coke,"  which,  if  favorably  received,  would  soon  take 
him  from  his  family  and  place  him  amid  new  perils. 
This  letter  was  written  to  the  Secretary  on  the  day  after 
Christmas,  and  began  by  speaking  of  the  writer's  change 
of  heart  several  years  before,  and  of  the  desire  which  was 
awakened  in  him  to  do  something  for  the  glory  of  God 
and  the  good  of  the  Church  and  Commonwealth.  Before 
this,  Hakluyt  had  told  of  the  wonderful  new  world  peopled 
with  degraded  men,  whose  souls  could  be  saved  by  Chris- 
tian effort,  and  eloquent  divines  had  repeated  his  words 
to  wondering  auditors.  To  such  "  Reverend  and  worthy 
friends"  Levett  told  the  noble  Secretary  he  went  for 
counsel,  and  while  he  asserted  his  confidence  in  being 
able  with  assistance  to  make  his  New  England  enterprise 
successful,  he  begged  for  employment  of  some  kind, 
though  possessed  of  means  sufficient  for  his  support  "  in  a 
reasonable  good  fashion,"  since  he  could  not  exist  in 
idleness,  and  in  support  of  his  case  he  adduced,  as  usual,  a 

quaint 


i  22.  Sir  John  Coke  was  made  one 
ol  the  Secretaries  of  State  on  the  ac- 
cession of  Charles  First,  and  held  this 


office  for  fourteen  years,  when  he  re- 
tired to  Melbourne  House,  where  he 
died  in  September,  1644. 


28  CHRISTOPHER  LEVETT. 

quaint  maxim  or  two :  "  That  an  idle  person  lieth  open  to 
all  temptations ;  that  he  is  a  drone  among  bees ;  that  he 
is  worse  than  an  infidel  that  doth  not  provide  for  himself 
and  his  family ;  that  every  man  ought  to  eat  his  own 
bread ;  that  he  is  not  worthy  to  live  in  the  church  or 
commonwealth  that  is  not  beneficial  to  both  " ;  but  it 
seems  well  to  preserve  this  letter  in  its  original  form ; 
hence  it  is  here  given  in  full. 

To  THE  Right  Worl  Sr  John  Cooke  one  of  the  Masters  of 
Requests  in  Ordinary  to  his  Matie 

THESE    DD. 

Might  worthy  and  wo^^ : 

Havinge  had  so  suffetient  tryall  of  your  worth  and  love  I  am 
imbouldened  at  this  tyme  to  troble  you,  Intreatinge  to  be  pleased 
to  give  me  leve  to  acnoleage  my  selfe  unto  you.  About  5  or  6  yeers 
since  it  pleased  god  to  open  my  eyes  that  I  see  playnly  that  my 
youth  was  spente  in  vanety  and  that  my  course  of  life  was  no  way 
pleasinge  to  him  (Though  I  could  not  be  much  taxed  by  any),  and 
that  I  must  take  a  new  course  if  I  ment  to  live  for  ever  wth  Christ 
in  his  kingdome.  Ever  since  I  have  earnestly  desiered  that  god  in 
mercy  could  use  me  as  an  instrument  to  bringe  glory  to  his  name 
and  some  good  to  his  Churche  and  this  Comonwelth  wherin  I  live, 
when  the  first  motion  for  New  England  was  mayd  unto  me,  I  tooke 
Councelle  of  some  Reverend  and  worthy  frends  who  advysed  me  to 
it  by  all  meanes  and  I  am  ps waded  if  I  may  have  some  assistance  I 
should  bringe  that  to  pas  wch  I  so  much  thirste  after  I  besech  you 
S'.  helpe  me  forwards  wth  that  or  some  other  Imployment  for  truly 

as 


CHRISTOPHER  LEVETT.  29 

as  I  now  live  my  life  is  a  burthen  to  me  (I  thanke  god  I  have  suf- 
fetient  to  mayntane  me  in  a  reasonable  good  ffashon)  but  my  grefe 
is  I  have  no  callinge  to  imploye  my  self e  in  not  beinge  bred  upp  to 
any  thinge  but  the  sea  and  in  that  nether  no  otherwyse  then  a 
traveler  and  Comander  of  some  Merchant  Shipps.  I  praise  god  if 
I  should  be  put  to  it  I  could  conduckt  a  Shippe  from  any  place  of 
the  world  (that  is  at  this  tyme  discovered)  into  England,  and  I 
know  that  is  more  than  many  Captans  who  have  comanded  some 
of  the  Kings  Shipps  can  doe.  Youre  servant  Mr.  Thaker  can  shew 
you  what  I  desyer  if  you  would  be  pleased  to  help  me  forwards  to 
any  Imployment  I  would  not  only  be  more  thankfuU  unto  you  then 
ever  I  yet  spocke  of  but  allso  would  rest  youre  servant  all  the  dayes 
of  my  life  for  I  ptest  unto  you  it  is  even  a  death  to  me  to  live 
Idle  remembringe  these  saings  in  Cripture.  1.  That  an  Idle  psonne 
lyeth  open  to  all  temtations  that  he  is  a  drone  amongst  bees  that 
he  is  worse  than  an  infidell  that  doth  not  pvide  for  him  selfe  and 
his  famely  that  every  man  ought  to  eat  his  owne  breade  that  he  is 
not  worthy  to  live  in  the  Church  or  Comonwelth  that  is  not  some 
way  benifetiall  to  both.  The  Lord  known  my  harte  I  desyer  to 
doe  that  for  wch  I  was  created  but  I  want  meanes  to  effeckt  it.  I 
find  a  fittnesse  in  my  selfe  for  imployment.  I  wish  I  were  throughly 
examened  and  after  settled  in  that  course  wch  I  am  capable  of.  I 
besech  you  Sr  pdon  this  my  bouldnes  I  will  importune  you  no  more 
but  rest  in  hope  of  your  remeberance  beseching  god  to  blesse  you 
wth  health  and  much  happynesse. 

Your  worl  to  be  comanded 


Sherborne  this 

26th  of  Decem 


}i624   ^>ih:  ^^^ 


Evidently 


30  CHRISTOPHER  LEVETT. 

Evidently  this  letter  received  an  encouraging  re- 
sponse, for  on  the  26th  of  the  following  May  we  find 
Levett  writing  another  letter  to  Secretary  Coke,  express- 
ing his  hearty  thanks  to  him  for  a  proffer  of  employment 
in  some  service  which  was  to  follow  Buckingham's  return 
from  France,  whither  he  had  gone  to  bring  the  bride  of 
Charles  First  to  England,  shortly  after  the  death  of  James, 
which  took  place  on  March  27,  1625.  But  though  grate- 
ful to  the  Secretary  for  his  proffer  of  future  employment, 
Levett  chafed  under  enforced  idleness,  and  urgently 
pressed  him  for  immediate  service.  This  letter  is  as 
follows : 

To  THE  Right  wo  :  Sk  John  Cooke  one  of  the  Masters  of 

REQUESTS    TO    HIS    MaTIE    THESE    AT    HIS    LODGINGE    AT   THE 

Court  E. 

DD 

Good  Sr  John,  I  thinke  myselfe  so  mucli  bound  unto  you  as 
that  I  know  not  how  to  expresse  my  thankes  enuffe  but  will  ever 
endevor  to  manifest  it  to  the  uttermost  of  my  power ;  Truly  Sr  this 
voyage  doth  effeckt  me  excedingly  and  I  doubt  not  but  it  will  pve 
honorable  but  I  ptest  before  God  I  cannot  now  stay  untill  the 
dewkes  returne  though  I  should  loose  the  place  wherefore  I  besech 
you  S^^  stand  my  frende  both  for  a  good  Shipp  as  allso  liberty  to 
meet  hir  at  plimoth  and  god  willinge  in  fewe  dayes  after  I  have 
notice  from  you  I  shall  be  redy.  My  dwellinge  is  at  Sherborne 
one  of  the  poste  townes  betwixt  this  and  Plimouth  so  that  a  letter 

is 


CHRISTOPHER  LEVETT.  31 

is  easily  sent  to  me  by  the  packts  thus  humbly  craving  pdon  for 
this  my  bouldnesse  I  rest 

Your  servant  to  [command] 

If  I  cannot  have  liberty  to  meet  the  Shipps  at  Plimoth  I  will 
come  ether  to  London  or  any  other  place  uppon  notice. 

At  the  time  Levett  penned  this  letter,  an  expedition 
was  fitting  out  in  England  in  which  Sir  Ferdinando 
Gorges  was  to  take  part,  and  Gorges  was  then  in  Lon- 
don, arranging  with  Coke's  associate,  Conway,  business 
pertaining  to  this  expedition,  which  Levett  probably 
desired  to  join,  a  desire  which  perhaps  prompted  his  impa- 
tient appeal  to  Coke/^  Unfortunately,  whatever  corre- 
spondence may  have  passed  betw^een  him  and  Gorges  is 
lost,  but  there  can  be  no  doubt  that  the  two  were  corre- 
spondents, since  both  were  deeply  interested  in  New  Eng- 
land, and  Gorges  was  the  moving  spirit  of  the  corpora- 
tion which  made  Levett  an  associate  of  his  son,  Robert, 
and  conveyed  to  him  his  possessions  in  Casco  Bay. 

We  lose  sight  of  Levett,  however,  for  a  brief  period, 
but  Coke,  happily,  proved  to  be  his  friend,  and  in  the 
famous   expedition   against   Spain,   which   sailed  from 

England 


23.    An  account  of  this  expedition 
may   be  found  in   Sir   Ferdinando 


Gorges  and  his  Province  of  Maine, 
Vol.  I,  pp.  187-146. 


32 .  CHRISTOPHER  LEVETT. 

England  October  5,  1625,  Levett  went  as  the  Captain  ofr 
the  Susan  and  Ellen,  a  ship  of  the  burden  of  three  hun- 
dred and  twenty  tons,  and  manned  with  a  crew  of  sixty- 
five  men.  This  fleet,  under  the  command  of  Lord 
Wimbledon,**  consisted  of  eighty  English  and  sixteen 
Dutch  vessels,  and  was  said  to  be  the  largest  joint  naval 
power  which  had  ever  sailed  the  seas.  So  large  was  it,  says 
an  old  writer,  that  it  "  made  the  world  abroad  to  stand 
astonished,  how  so  huge  a  fleet  could  be  so  suddenly 
made  ready,"  and  yet  this  vast  fleet  and  an  army  of  ten 
thousand  men  were  raised  and  equipped,  not  by  Parlia- 
ment, for  that  had  been  angrily  dissolved  by  the  king, 
but  by  writs  sent  by  him  to  everyone  in  the  realm  who 
was  supposed  to  have  money,  commanding  them  to  loan 
him  such  sums  as  he  had  been  informed  by  his  agents 
they  were  able  to  loan.  To  refuse  these  demands  was 
dangerous,  and  money  poured  into  the  coffers  of  the 
royal  blackmailer  in  plentiful  streams. 

It  was  in  this  fleet,  the  destination  of  which  was  kept 
a  secret,  that  Levett  found  himself,  feeling,  doubtless,  a 
glow  of  patriotic  pride  as  he  saw  it  in  its  grandeur,  and 

never 


24.  Edward  Cecil,  third  son  of 
Thomas,  first  Earl  of  Exeter,  born 
Feb.  29, 1672.  and  knighted  by  Ehza- 
beth  Sept.  18,  1601.  He  was  one  of 
the  Councillors  of  the  Virginia  Col- 
ony May  23,  1609,  and  was  created 
Lord  Marshal  of  the  Field,  August 


1625,  and  Lord  Lieutenant  General  of 
the  Fleet  and  Army  the  month  follow- 
ing. He  was  created  Baron  Cecil 
Putney,  and  Viscount  Wimbledon  of 
Nov  .3, 1625,  while  on  his  unfortunate 
expedition  to  Spain.  He  died  Nov. 
16, 1638. 


CHRISTOPHER  LEVETT.  33 

never  for  a  moment  realizing  that  the  motive  which 
caused  its  creation  was  private  revenge,  and  the  methods 
by  which  it  was  created  were  subversive  of  those  liberties 
which  he,  in  common  with  all  Englishmen,  cherished 
most  deeply  in  his  heart. 

As  the  fleet  entered  the  Bay  of  Biscay,  it  encountered 
the  usual  storms,  and  was  buffeted  by  wind  and  wave 
until  it  seemed  to  those  on  board  that  their  end  was 
near ;  and  so  it  was  to  some,  for  one  tall  ship,  bearing 
nearly  two  hundred  men,  plunged  beneath  the  sea  and 
was  seen  no  more.  Orders  had  been  given  Wimbledon, 
before  leaving  home,  to  intercept  the  Spanish  plate  fleet, 
then  nearing  Spain,  burdened  with  treasure,  but  he  was 
no  Drake,  and  he  permitted  several  large  ships  to  pass 
him  and  enter  the  Bay  of  Cadiz,  where  they  afterwards 
wrought  serious  injury  to  his  fleet.  Time  was  wasted  in 
councils  of  war ;  the  Spaniards  got  news  of  his  approach, 
and  prepared  to  receive  him ;  but  instead  of  making  a 
naval  attack  upon  the  Spanish  shipping  at  Cadiz,  which 
it  is  believed  would  have  resulted  in  success,  Wimbledon 
landed  a  force  and  attacked  the  fort  of  Puntal,  which  he 
captured ;  but  his  men  now  found  a  foe  more  dangerous 
than  the  Spaniards.  The  cellars  were  filled  with  wine, 
which  the  soldiers  fell  upon  and  drank  to  excess.  Wim- 
bledon, alarmed  at  the  condition  of  his  men,  who  were  in 

no 


34  CHRISTOPHER  LEVETT. 

no  condition  to  resist  an  attack,  hastily  gathered  as  many 
as  he  could  reach  and  carried  them  back  to  the  ships. 
Those  left  behind  were  butchered  by  the  revengeful 
Spaniards.  The  unfortunate  commander  now  aban- 
doned his  designs  on  Cadiz,  and  lay  off  shore  watching 
for  the  treasure  fleet,  but  sickness  assailed  his  crowded 
ships  and  his  men  died  by  scores.  Thoroughly  dis- 
heartened, Wimbledon  gave  orders  to  return  to  England, 
"  which  was  done  in  a  confused  manner,  and  without  any 
observance  of  sea  orders."  It  is  perhaps  proper  to  say 
that  the  plate  fleet  passed  the  place  where  the  English 
ships  had  been  cruising  a  few  days  before,  and  sailed 
quickly  into  Cadiz,  while  Wimbledon  with  his  fleet,  which 
had  sailed  so  proudly  away  a  few  weeks  before,  now  shat- 
tered and  burdened  with  sick  and  dying  men,  entered 
Plymouth  harbor,  where  he  was  received  with  the  con- 
tempt which  he  so  well  deserved.  It  has  been  thought 
proper  to  give  an  account  of  this  unfortunate  expedition 
in  which  Levett  was  engaged,  in  order  that  the  following 
letter,  written  by  him  to  Coke  after  his  return  home,  may 
be  better  understood : 

To  THE  Right  Hol  Sr  John  Cooke    Seckretert  to   his   Ma- 

lESTYE    these. 

Right  Honorable 

I  doe  once  more  psume  to  treble  you  with  a  few  rude  lynes  pmis- 

ing 


CHRISTOPHER  LEVETT.  35 

ing  if  at  this  tyme  my  bouldnes  may  be  pdoned  that  hereafter  as 
occation  shall  be  offered  I  will  come  by  way  of  petition  as  my 
duty  is.  I  mayd  bould  to  write  you  tow  severall  letters  from  the 
Sowthe  Cape  as  also  at  my  arivall  in  England  to  send  you 
such  thingis  as  I  had  observed  and  though  I  medled  wth  some  other 
things  yet  I  hope  your  favorable  construcktion  is  such  that  you 
will  not  condem  me  tow  much,  for  if  ever  I  Speak  with  your  Hor  I 
will  say  more  than  before  I  write  and  wthall  let  you  know  that  I 
have  observed  some  things  wch  hath  bredd  a  jealosy  in  me  that 
some  who  as  I  think  doth  carry  themselves  fayerly  to  you  yet  doe 
not  so  truly  love  you  as  they  ought.  I  have  psumed  to  come  home 
to  my  own  house  at  Sherborne  in  Dorsett  shire  wher  godwillinge  I 
purpas  to  stay  untill  I  heare  from  your  Hor  hopinge  I  doe  not 
offend  for  by  my  comisshon  the  comand  of  the  Shipp  was  comytted 
to  me  but  as  for  the  mewnisshon  the  Master  Botswan  and  Gonner 
have  indented.  I  must  confesse  that  the  sea  service  is  my  only 
ellement  and  that  Imployment  wch  I  pnsipally  desier  but  I  would 
rather  chuse  to  be  a  sheppde  than  ever  to  goe  in  a  colyer  agayne 
for  the  Comanders  of  them  ar  esteamed  and  used  no  better  than 
meare  slaves  (I  have  cause  to  speake  but  I  forbare)  it  was  gods 
mercy  that  I  brought  my  shipp  into  England  agane  if  your  Hor  please 
to  aske  my  Lo  :  Cromwell  2  «  or  Sr  George  Blunder  they  can  tell  you 
that  I  had  nether  sweet  beare  water  wine  syder  nor  stronge  water 
for  a  longe  tyme  before  I  came  home  as  allso  they  can  tell  you 

whether 


25.  Sir  Oliver  Cromwell,  uncle  of 
the  Protector.  At  the  coronation  of 
King  James  he  was  created  Knight  of 
the  Bath,  and  was  a  member  of  the 
Council  for  Virginia  in  1607.  In  the 
civil  war  he  espoused  the  cause  of 
the  king,  and  fought  against  his  great 


nephew,  though  then  upwards  of 
eighty  years  of  age.  While  sitting 
alone  in  his  chamber  before  a  fire,  he 
fell  forward,  it  was  thought,  in  a 
swoon,  and  was  so  badly  burned  that 
he  died  Aug.  28, 1655,  in  the  ninety- 
third  year  of  his  age. 


36  CHRISTOPHER  LEVETT. 

whether  I  am  a  marrener  or  no  for  I  kept  them  Company  a  month" 
at  the  least  and  though  I  had  lost  my  Master  and  had  2  mayts  that 
can  scarce  write  there  names  yet  thanks  be  to  god  we  kept  oure  reck- 
ninge  better  and  fayled  les  in  oure  course  than  the  Bonaventure 
whein  my  Lo  :  was  but  I  give  it  to  them  that  had  the  charge  of  the 
Shipp  though  they  must  and  will  confesse  that  I  had  a  hand  in 
every  observation  ether  of  sune  or  starr  and  in  castinge  upp  every 
reckninge  of  the  shipps  way  and  course  I  wish  I  might  be  exam- 
ened  by  the  4  Masters  of  England  for  the  Marreners  arte  so  as  I 
might  herafter  ether  be  imployed  in  my  right  place  or  cashered  for 
an  unworthy  fellow  I  have  observed  the  most  of  the  sea  Capptens 
that  was  in  this  fleet  and  I  say  god  send  our  kinge  better  then 
many  that  comanded  great  shipps  when  he  shall  have  occation  to 
use  them  It  might  be  psumption  in  me  to  desier  the  Comand  of  one 
of  the  kinges  shipps  but  if  I  had  I  doubt  not  but  I  should  behave 
my  selfe  as  well  as  some  others  and  it  would  be  as  much  for  the 
safety  of  the  shipp  as  if  another  man  were  in  her  but  in  regard  I 
have  no  frend  except  such  as  I  dear  not  psume  to  troble  havinge 
here  to  fore  given  iust  occation  to  be  weary  of  doinge  for  me  I  will 
not  thinke  of  any  such  thinge  Though  I  must  confesse  if  ever  I  goe 
agane  to  sea  I  would  wish  the  best  shipp  in  Cristendome  under 
me  and  if  I  did  not  behave  my  selfe  both  wisly  and  valiently  then 
would  I  desier  nothinge  for  my  voyage  but  a  halter  I  am  much 
ashamed  of  my  bouldnesse  yet  remembringe  what  Abraham  saide 
to  the  Lorde  when  he  besought  him  to  spare  Sodom  if  by  way  of 
imitation  I  say  let  not  your  Hor  be  offended  wth  his  servant  and 
he  will  speake  but  this  once  Ther  is  a  Shipp  called  the  Neptewne 
wch  was  bult  for  New  England  and  as  I  hear  is  now  taken  upp  for 
his  Maiestyes  service    I  hope  there  is  as  much  reason  that  I  should 

oomand 


CHRISTOPHER  LEVETT.  37 

comand  hir  as  an  other  havinge  spent  much  tyme  and  money  about 
that  Contry  wherefore  my  houmble  sute  unto  your  Hor  is  that  you 
would  be  pleased  if  you  Judge  me  worthy  of  further  Imployment 
to  put  me  into  hir  (if  it  be  possible)  or  some  other  good  Shippe  in 
service  that  I  may  be  able  to  doe  some  good  service  to  my  kinge 
and  Contry  Thus  besechinge  youre  Honor  to  cause  one  of  youre 
servants  to  let  me  know  whether  I  am  discharged  or  no  (havinge 
no  order  what  to  doe)  I  rest 

Youre  Honors  servant 

to  be  comanded  till  death 


Sherborne  this  L 1  fi2^ 

11th  of  January  C 


^>Yf-'  ^^<^ : 


Evidently  Levett  was  not  pleased  with  the  Susan  and 
Ellen,  although  she  sailed  the  seas  for  many  years  after, 
and  safely  brought  across  the  Atlantic  some  of  the  foun- 
ders of  New  England,  while  the  Neptune,  which  he 
longed  to  command,  and  which  had  been  built  by  Gorges 
in  the  most  careful  manner  to  transport  his  colonists  to 
his  province  of  Maine,  never  fulfilled  the  great  purpose 
for  which  she  was  designed,  and  brought  her  owner  but 
trouble  and  loss.  The  letter  of  January  nth  was  fol- 
lowed by  an  interesting  account  of  what  Levett  had 
observed  on  the  expedition  just  described,  and  was 
doubtless  written  at  the  suggestion  of  Secretary  Coke, 
who,  knowing  that  Levett  wielded  a  ready  pen,  deemed 

it 


38  CHRISTOPHER  LEVETT. 

it  wise  to  make  use  of  it  in  obtaining  the  impressions  of 
an  actor  in  the  affair,  who  would  have  no  great  reason  to 
falsify.  But  Levett  was  not  contented  with  giving  an 
account  of  the  expedition.  His  real  interest  was  in  New 
England,  and  here  was  an  opportunity  to  reach  the  ear 
of  the  astute  Secretary ;  so  he  closed  his  relation  with  a 
few  practical  suggestions  how  England  could  weaken  her 
dread  enemy,  Spain,  and  he  pointed  out  the  part  New 
England  could  be  made  to  play  in  the  undertaking. 

The  first  thing  he  thought  best  to  do,  was  to  cease 
trade  with  Spain  altogether,  and  then  to  employ  the 
Navy  in  cutting  off  her  trade  with  her  northern  neigh- 
bors. This  done  he  would  fortify  the  fishing  places  in 
New  England,  a  country  capable  of  being  made  more 
profitable  than  the  West  Indies,  for  her  fisheries  alone 
were  richer  than  the  mines  of  other  countries.  And  all 
this,  he  told  the  Secretary,  could  be  done  at  the  cost  of 
a  single  subsidy,  for  which  England  would  receive  an 
annual  profit  sufficient  to  maintain  an  army  or  fleet,  or 
support  the  poor  of  the  realm ;  though  he  believed,  that 
in  a  score  of  years,  there  would  be  found  no  able  bodied 
poor  in  the  country,  a  belief  doubtless  founded  upon  the 
supposition,  that,  attracted  by  the  opportunities  afforded 
by  New  England  for  gaining  wealth,  the  emigration 
thither  would  draw  from  England  the  poorer  portion  of 

her 


CHRISTOPHER  LEVETT.  39 

her  population  able  to  work.  More  than  this,  he  believed 
that  New  England  would  be  able  to  furnish  a  ship  of 
five  hundred  tons  a  year,  except  her  iron  work,  and  that 
she  would  be  able  to  work  greater  damage  to  Spain  and 
her  West  Indies  than  all  England,  because  of  her 
superior  position. 

Realizing  that  this  might  seem  strange  to  his  corre- 
spondent, Levett  desired  to  be  given  an  opportunity  to 
appear  before  Parliament,  or  at  the  Council  Table,  for 
examination,  that  he  might  show  the  reasonableness  of 
his  views.  He  desired  that  nobody  should  imagine  that 
he  had  any  sinister  end  in  view,  since  he  wanted  no 
money  placed  at  his  disposal,  nor  trust  reposed  in  him, 
but  only  to  "  line  out  the  path  that  must  be  trod,"  for  he 
wrote,  "  If  I  can  bring  glory  to  God,  honor  to  my  Sov- 
ereign, and  good  to  my  native  country,  then  shall  I  think 
myself  more  happy  than  if  I  had  the  whole  world." 
This  interesting  document,  still  preserved  at  Melbourne 
House,  is  here  placed  before  the  reader,  under  the  title 
placed  upon  it  by  Secretary  Coke's  own  hand : 

CAPTAIN  LEVETT'S  RELATION. 

The  passages  of  such  thyngs  as  I  conseaved  worth  takyng  notice 
of. 

We  came  from  Plimoth  the  5th  daye  of  Oktober  but  when  we 
were  at  sea  the  wind  shooting  upon  us  and  the  wether  beinge  very 

rany 


40  CHRISTOPHER  LEVETT. 

rany  and  thicke  we  put  in  againe  and  stayd  untill  the  8tli  daye 
before  we  put  to  sea  againe  and  inioyed  a  fare  wind  and  fare  wether  . 
iintill  the  12th  daye  beinge  Wedinsday  about  4  of  the  cloke  in  the 
after  noone  at  which  tyme  it  began  to  rayne  and  blow  exceeding 
and  the  storme  continewed  all  that  night  and  pte  of  the  next  daye 
so  that  the  fleight  was  dispsed  in  which  storme  some  was  cast  away 
and  others  put  into  famouth  which  came  not  to  us  untill  the  night 
we  left  Calles.  AUso  there  was  a  Catch  which  had  11  men  in  hir 
cast  away  7  of  which  men  I  was  an  instrument  to  save  and  carryed 
them  to  Calles  and  more  was  saved  by  another  shipp  and  the  rest 
dyed. 

But  by  degrees  the  most  of  the  fleight  mett  againe  some  hav- 
inge  mayd  the  Kocke^*  others  Mountchecum*^  and  so  at  last  we 
came  to  the  Sother^*  Cape,  where  we  spent  two  dayes  in  Counsell 
and  ther  receaved  orders  for  the  managinge  of  a  sea  feight  (which 
I  will  not  meddle  with  for  convenience). 

When  the  consultation  was  ended,  beinge  towards  night  we  were 

not  above  15  leages  from  Calles  and  if  we  had  borne  reasonable  sale 

all  that  night  we  myght  have  bene  within  sight  of  the  towne  the 

next  morning  by  break  of  day.     But  we  lay  a  trip  the  most  of  the 

night  so  that  it  was  12  a  cloke  before  we  mayd  the  Hand.    And  if 

then  we  had  borne  all  our  sailles  forth  we  myght  have  gott  in  in 

halfe  a  watch  the  wind  beinge  good  and  the  wether  fayere. 

But 

southwestern  extremity  of  Portugal. 


26.  Cape  Da  Roca  is  the  most 
westerly  headland  of  Portugal,  about 
seven  leagues  northwesterly  from 
Lisbon,  and  in  Levett's  time  was  for- 
tified, as,  indeed,  it  is  to-day. 

27.  Cape  Mondego  lies  on  the 
western  coast  of  Portugal,  at  the 
mouth  of  the  river  of  that  name. 

28.  Cape  St.  Vincent  forms  the 


Nearly  two  centuries  alter  Levett 
wrote  this,  viz :  on  Feb.  14, 1797,  the 
failure  of  Wimbledon  was  more  than 
offset  by  the  gallant  Jarvis,  who  met 
the  Spanish  fleet  off  this  Cape  and 
defeated  it,  to  the  joy  of  all  English- 
men. 


CHRISTOPHER  LEVETT.  41 

But  as  it  seamed  feringe  we  should  come  tow  soone  we  put  not 
forth  all  our  sailes  so  that  it  was  night  before  all  the  fleet  came  to 
Anker  being  the  22th  day  Satterdy.  When  we  came  into  the  Kode 
we  found  there  tfie  Admyrall  of  Spayne  and  about  14  Shipps  more 
with  6  gallies. 

The  Earl  of  Essex  beinge  Vice  Admyrall  in  the  Swift  shure 
(Captain  whereof  was  Sr  Sammewell  Argall^^  a  brave  gent)  led  the 
way  and  went  on  so  bravely  that  he  drave  both  the  Spanish  shipps 
and  gallies  upp  the  river  so  high  as  they  would  goe  towards  Port- 
royall  but  he  was  not  seconded  wherfore  he  came  to  an  Ancker  and 
all  the  rest  of  the  fleet. 

That  night  about  23  shipps  were  sent  to  batter  a  forte  called 
Poyntall  (about  2  myles  and  i  from  Calles  uppon  the  same  Hand) 
wherin  was  6  peeces  of  ordnance  who  performed  the  service  very 
well  the  most  of  that  night  spittinge  fyer,  and  that  the  ordnance 
spoke  thick  and  the  buUetts  stunge  merely. 

Now  the  Spanish  shipps  not  beinge  followed  that  night  blocked 
themselves  upp  by  sinkinge  of  6  shipps  in  the  way  so  that  after- 
wards we  could  not  come  at  them.  Allso  that  night  the  Towne 
planted  there  ordnance  and  fortefyed  themselves  and  the  gallies  and 
botts  carryed  away  from  the  towne  that  which  most  we  aymed 

at 


29.  Capt.  Samuel  Argall  is  the 
same  officer  who  carried  Lord  Dela- 
ware to  Virginia  in  1610,  and  who 
commanded  the  Treasurer  when  she 
was  sent  out  to  Virginia  in  the  sum- 
mer of  1612,  to  drive  out  foreign  in- 
vaders, and  who  later  destroyed  the 
Jesuit  Colony  at  Mount  Desert.  In 
1617  he  was  appointed  Admiral  and 
Deputy  (Governor  of  Virginia.    Later 

6 


he  was  a  membor  of  His  Majesty's 
Council  for  New  England,  and  when 
the  territory  of  New  England  was 
divided  by  lot  in  1622,  Cape  Cod  and 
adjoining  territory  fell  to  his  share. 
He  commanded  the  flag  ship  Swift- 
sure  during  this  cruise.  One  writer 
supposes  him  to  have  died  just  after 
his  return  from  this  expedition,  while 
another  fixes  the  date  as  163*3. 


42  CHRISTOPHER  LEVETT. 

at  and  brought  soulders  in  stead  thereof  as  most  men  did  Imapjen 
and  thus  they  continewed  all  the  tyme  we  were  there. 

The  next  morninge  beinge  Sonday  by  break  e  of  day  the  greatest 
pte  of  the  fleet  was  eomanded  upp  before  the  forte  who  releved  the 
former  and  continewed  playinge  uppon  it  all  that  day  and  so  fast 
that  by  12  acloke  the  forte  was  weary  of  usinge  there  ordnance 
not  beinge  able  to  stand  ether  to  lade  or  to  ply  them.  At  last  the 
Convertion  one  of  the  Kinjs  Shipps  came  right  under  the  forte 
within  muskett  shott  and  let  fly  her  brod  syde  but  was  not  able  to 
come  off  sodenly  by  reason  she  came  in  ground  but  there  lay 
receavinge  there  small  shott  like  haille  which  kylled  and  spoiled 
many  of  hir  men. 

But  oure  Shipps  shott  with  there  ordnance  so  that  they  mayd 
them  pull  in  there  heads  so  that  for  halfe  an  howers  space  we  could 
not  see  a  man. 

About  3  acloke  divers  of  oure  botts  mayd  redy  and  tooke 
soulders  oute  of  the  Shipps  to  land  which  when  the  forte  saw  a 
great  many  of  the  burgers  of  the  town  who  came  that  morninge  to 
assist  them  ran  away  so  fast  as  there  feet  could  carry  them  in  so 
much  that  we  thought  the  forte  had  bene  quite  left. 

But  when  oure  botts  came  to  shore  right  under  the  forte  (which 
was  tow  neare  havinge  roome  enough  to  have  landed  further  of) 
they  put  out  there  heads  againe  and  plyed  there  small  shott  so  fast 
as  was  possible  for  so  few  men  in  so  short  a  tyme  by  which  meanes 
they  kylled  us  many  and  some  of  good  ranker  yet  for  all  that  some 
went  forwards  and  landed  close  by  the  wall  but  they  threw  stones 
uppon  them  and  kylled  them  so  the  rest  of  the  botts  went  further 
of  and  landed. 

Kow  after  there  landinge  they  had  some  skirmishinge  with  the 

enemy 


CHRISTOPHER  LEVETT.  43 

enemy  who  sallied  oute  of  a  house  but  they  were  forst  to  retreat 
towards  the  Towne. 

And  then  the  Captan  of  the  Forte  having  quarter  offered  ack- 
cepted  therof  and  yelded  it  and  were  sett  over  the  river  with  there 
musketts  swords  &c  And  thus  with  loss  of  many  men  and  the 
expense  of  at  the  least  3000  great  shott  besides  small  we  got  a  donghill 
wheron  the  Coke  might  have  stood  and  crowed  but  could  not  have 
hurt  us  for  I  dare  say  that  6  colyear  would  have  kept  them  play, 
untill  we  had  landed  our  men  in  the  bay  betwixt  that  and  the  Towne. 

The  next  day  beinge  Munday  certan  regiments  marched  uppon 
the  Hand  towards  the  bridge  to  have  mayd  that  good  and  by  the 
way  come  to  one  of  the  Duke  of  Madena  howses  wher  they  found 
about  70  butts  of  sacke  wherof  oure  soulders  dranke  so  deply  that 
many  were  not  able  ether  to  goe  or  stand  (but  were  left  behind  and 
had  there  throats  cut)  but  the  comanders  seinge  the  inconvenience 
staved  all  the  caske  (and  so  the  wine  was  lost)  and  then  retorned 
backe  to  the  forte  because  they  understood  that  the  bridge  was  here 
3  leags  of. 

Uppon  Tewsday  my  Lo  :  of  Essex^  o  squadron  was  comanded  to 
sett  uppon  the  Shipps  that  was  fledd  upp  to  Portriall  but  when  they 
came  here  then  they  pceaved  how  they  were  blocked  upp  so  they 
came  to  an  ancher  there  but  could  do  nothing  to  them. 

Uppon  Thursday  I  was  sent  to  them  with  this  message  from 
my  Lo :  and  the  Counsell  of  warr  that  if  they  peeved  the  designe 

to 


30.  Robert  Devereuz,  Earl  of  Es- 
sex, was  the  son  of  the  unfortunate 
favorite  of  Elizabeth,  and  friend  of 
Gorges,  and  was  a  lad  at  the  time  of 
his  father's  death  on  the  scaffold. 
Although  a  man  of  brilliant  parts,  his 
career  was  an  unfortunate  one.    It 


has  been  well  said  that  "  he  met  with 
nothing  but  rocks  and  shelves,  from 
whence  he  could  never  discover  any 
safe  port  to  harbor  in."  He  died  on 
the  Uth  of  September,  1646,  at  the 
age  of  fifty-four  years. 


1 


44  CHRISTOPHER  LEVETT. 

to  be  diffecult  they  should  forth  with  repare  to  Poyntall  and  there 
take  in  there  soulders  againe  for  that  they  understood  of  great 
forces  was  eominge  out  of  the  Contry,  wheruppon  they  all  wayed 
and  came  and  that  night  and  the  next  morninge  all  oure  soulders 
were  imbarked  againe  and  the  ordnance  which  were  in  the  forte  we 
brought  away  beinge  8  bras  colverin. 

Now  we  lay  still  all  fryday  and  did  nothinge  but  looke  uppon 
the  Towne  and  reseve  all  the  shott  they  mayd  at  us. 

XJppon  Satterday  about  10  of  the  cloke  our  Admyrall  put  forth 
a  flagg  of  Counsell  wheruppon  all  we  Captans  repared  to  his  shipp 
where  we  gave  attendance  about  2  howers  At  last  my  Lo :  came 
forth  and  said  to  Sr  Thomas  Love  3  ^  that  he  understood  that  the 
wind  was  good  and  that  if  we  did  not  psently  way  ancker  and 
begone  we  might  lose  our  jorney  and  comanded  us  all  to  retorne  to 
oure  shipps  which  was  all  the  counsell  we  had  for  that  time. 

But  take  notice  that  the  wind  was  good  from  Thursday  night  to 
that  time  out  it  seames  that  they  who  were  about  my  Lo :  was 
ether  ignorant  or  careles  that  they  did  not  inform  him  of  it  before 
that  tyme. 

So  we  came  away  out  of  the  harbor  with  all  speed  but  with 
hevy  harts  and  shame  enough  both  to  oure  selves  and  Nation. 

But  before  we  were  gott  3  leages  of  the  wind  was  iust  against 
us  so  that  about  Sun  settinge  we  came  to  an  anker  in  17  fathom 
water,  yet  at  midnight  the  wind  beinge  somewhat  larger  we 
wayd  agane  and  so  got  of  a  litle  further  so  at  last  through  much 
f owle  wether  we  gott  the  leight  of  the  Sother  Cape  the  7  of  No : 
wher  wie  were  f  orcd  to  ly  tow  and  agane  betwixt  the  degrees  of  36^ 

and 


31.  Capt.  Thomas  Love,  like  Lev- 
ett,  was  interested  in  the  New  World, 
being  one  of  the  Council  for  New  Eng- 


land. He  was  knighted  Sept.  25, 1626, 
a  few  days  before  the  sailing  of  the 
fleet. 


CHRISTOPHER  LEVETT.  45 

and  37|^  untill  the  20th  of  the  month  to  mete  with  the  playte 
fleight. 

Wher  we  lay  in  the  most  confused  maner  that  ever  was  sene 
and  contrary  to  all  men  of  war  courses,  lying  still  in  the  day 
tyme  and  salinge  in  the  night  and  thus  we  contenewed  untill  the 
16th  day,  and  then  contrary  to  oure  orders  we  came  into  39  fol- 
lowinge  oure  Admyralls  as  we  were  comanded  at  the  first. 

Shortly  after  we  had  such  fowle  wether  that  we  were  disparsed 
agane  and  so  we  contenewed  untill  the  27th  day  and  seinge  2 
Shipps  with  flaggs  in  there  foretopps  we  bore  to  them  hopinge  the 
greatest  pte  of  the  fleet  had  bene  there,  but  there  we  mett  with  no 
more  then  2  kings  shipps  and  3  more  and  that  day  blowinge  litle 
wind  I  sent  my  bote  aborde  the  bonaventure  to  know  if  they  had 
any  orders  or  knew  what  we  should  do  as  allso  to  intreat  a  litle 
beare  we  havinge  druncke  none  nor  beverage  for  8  days  before  nor 
scarse  sweet  water  and  I  thanke  my  Lo :  Cromwell  and  Captan 
Jellburt  they  sent  me  a  runlyt  of  10  gallans  which  did  me  great 
pleasure  as  allso  my  men  tould  me  that  they  had  no  orders  nor  had 
sene  the  Admyrall  in  10  days  before  and  wished  for  a  good  wind 
to  carry  them  for  Ingland  so  we  kept  company  with  these  6  shipps 
untill  the  6th  of  December  when  we  were  in  46^  and  that  night  we 
lost  one  of  the  shipps  as  it  seames  by  tackinge  in  the  night  the 
wind  shif tinge  but  for  the  2  kings  shipps  and  the  other  2  we  kept 
them  company  untill  we  came  into  Crooke  haven  in  Irland  where 
we  arived  the  11th  of  December  fyndinge  the  rainebow  and  divers 
shipps  there  and  others  came  in  after  us  the  next  day. 

We  stayed  there  untill  the  17th  daye  and  then  the  sayde  2  kings 
shipps  vide  :  the  Bonaventure  and  the  dreadnought  my  selfe  and 

the 


46  CHRISTOPHER  LEVETT. 

the  Anspedwell  put  to  sea  levinge  the  rest  behind  and  arrived  at 
dartmoth  the  20th  day  of  Desember  thanks  be  to  god. 

Now  uppon  this  evill  suckses  I  know  that  as  it  was  an  old  cous- 
tom  every  one  to  put  it  of  from  himself e  to  an  other  even  when  there 
was  no  more  people  in  the  world  but  Adam  and  Evah  so  it  will  be 
at  this  tyme  no  man  will  be  the  cause  of  it.  Nether  will  the  stayte 
of  Ingland  be  frete  from  sensure  for  I  have  herd  them  taxed  for 
these  things  followinge. 

1.  ffor  delayinge  so  much  tyme  before  they  sent  away  the  fleet. 

2.  fFor  sendinge  it  away  in  winter  when  the  most  of  the  shipps 
were  not  able  to  carry  forth  there  ordnance  ether  by  way  of  offence 
or  defence. 

3.  The  sendinge  away  the  fleet  with  so  litle  pvetion. 

4.  ffor  not  giving  the  Captans  there  orders  or  Comyssions  before 
they  went  to  sea  by  which  much  confusion  might  have  bene  pvented. 

5.  ffor  sendinge  unexperienced  soulders  such  as  was  nether  wil- 
linge  nor  able  to  doe  service  but  on  the  contrary  mewtinus. 

But  for  my  owne  pte  I  am  not  of  there  mynds,  because  I  am  able 
my  selfe  suffetiently  to  answer  these  obiecktions  as  thus. 

1.  ffor  the  delayinge  of  tyme  I  knr^w  not  what  polesy  the  state 
had  in  it  nether  is  it  fitt  to  be  known.  But  shure  I  am  there  might 
have  come  much  good  therof.  ffor  as  it  seames  it  bredd  a  security 
in  the  enemy  for  this  yere  because  there  was  nether  any  fleitt  at 
sea  nor  much  force  levied  by  land,  ffor  all  men  will  say  that  if 
there  had  been  any  fleet  abrod  the  Admyrall  and  the  rest  of  the 
shipps  which  we  found  in  Calles  rode  would  not  have  bene  there 
and  if  there  had  bene  any  land  forces  levied  shure  Calles  which 
is  a  place  of  most  importance  would  have  bene  full  of  soulders. 
And  I  thinke  it  may  be  proved  that  there  was  not  above  500  there, 
when  we  came.  2. 


! 


CHRISTOPHER  LEVETT.  47 

2.  If  the  polesy  of  the  State  was  to  come  uppon  the  enemy 
when  he  did  not  expect  us,  then  it  could  not  be  otherwyse.  if 
Calles  was  the  place  aymed  at  or  any  other  place  to  the  north  of 
the  strates  mouth  then  was  the  tyme  good  enough.  Yet  could  I 
wish  there  may  be  no  more  fleets  sent  forth  in  winter. 

3.  The  vittell  if  it  had  bene  well  used  and  the  tyme  well  im- 
ployed  would  have  served  us  until  we  had  taken  Calles  and  have 
keept  it  untill  a  supply  had  bens  sent. 

4.  Though  it  is  strange  that  Captans  who  ar  trusted  with  the 
comand  of  Shipps  could  not  be  trusted  with  sealed  Comiss :  to  be 
opened  at  severall  tymes  and  places  and  though  the  want  of  them 
bred  much  confusion  in  this  acktion  and  might  have  bred  more  yet 
the  falte  was  not  in  the  state  of  Ingland  nor  none  that  we  left  in 
Ingland  but  in  /^ 

5.  Though  the  soulders  were  unexperienced  yet  they  were  such 
as  our  Nation  affords  and  such  as  have  bene  usually  sent  abrod  at 
other  tymes  nether  could  I  peeve  that  ever  they  were  backward  in 
goinge  when  there  comd  led  them  forth  which  was  never  but  when 
they  mett  with  the  sacke  nether  did  they  then  run  away  for  many 
stayed  untill  there  throats  were  cutt  nor  that  they  were  mutinus 
I  did  not  peeve  though  when  they  were  full  of  wine  there  tonges  as 
I  here  then  ran  at  random. 

Now  if  it  be  demanded  of  me  what  the  cause  of  this  ill  suck- 
sesse  might  be  I  must  answer  in  the  first  place  that  I  feare  every 
one  of  us  sought  oure  owne  ends  more  than  gods  glory  and  therfor 
it  was  iust  with  god  to  deny  us  good  sucksesse. 

Secondly  the  want  of  I  dare  not  say  what. 

And  if  this  will  not  give  satisfaction  if  you  please  to  redd  for- 
wards you  shall  se  what  def eckts  or  f alings  I  took  notice  of  in  this 

acktion 


48  CHRISTOPHER  LEVETT. 

acktion  and  then  I  will  leave  you  to  iudge  Allso  to  pardon  me  if  I 
faille  in  my  iudgment  though  I  fere  not  what  any  can  say  that  shall 
fynd  them  selves  any  way  touched  therin  for  I  will  say  nothinge 
but  what  will  be  avouched  by  many  thousands. 

Such  things  as  I  conceve  was  faling  or  not  well  carryed  in  this 
unfortunate  acktion. 

1.  The  sendinge  to  sea  without  comyssions  or  orders  as  well 
for  the  places  of  randevow  in  case  we  should  be  pted  by  fowle 
wether.     As  allso  for  a  certan  course  in  salinge. 

Though  some  Captans  had  them  dd  about  3  or  4  dayes  after  yet 
others  wanted  them  untill  they  came  at  the  Sother  Cape  and  many 
never  had  any  at  all. 

But  the  want  of  them  as  it  fell  out  did  no  greate  hurte  for  when 
we  came  at  Calles  we  myssed  not  above  6  of  our  fleett. 

But  the  want  of  an  orderly  course  in  salinge  caused  some  to 
lose  their  galleries  heads  and  bolsprits  and  others  had  there  sales 
tome  from  there  yeards. 

And  it  was  gods  mercy  that  no  more  than  3  or  4  was  cast  away 
for  the  confusion  was  such  that  some  had  there  starbord  when 
other  had  there  larbord  taks  aborde  so  that  in  the  night  you  should 
have  tow  shipps  come  alonge  one  aganst  the  other  and  where  there 
was  nott  good  watch  keept  there  was  much  hurte  done. 

2.  When  we  came  uppon  the  Cost  of  Spayne  and  had  made 
the  Sother  Cape  we  lay  lingringe  tow  longe  close  aborde  the  shore 
by  which  meanes  we  were  discovered  as  appered  by  the  lights  that 
night  all  alongst  the  shore  and  which  was  the  cause  of  sendinge 
forces  to  Calles  as  was  Imagened. 

3.  When  we  might  have  bene  before  Calles  by  8  or  9  acloke 

in 


CHRISTOPHER  LEVETT.  49 

in  the  morninge  and  so  have  had  the  day  before  us  we  came  in  a 
litle  before  sonne  settinge. 

4.  When  we  were  come  in  and  that  my  Lo :  of  Essex  had  be- 
gonne  bravely  with  the  Shipps  that  were  there  and  drove  them  upp 
the  river  that  he  was  not  seconded  by  which  meanes  he  was  forced 
to  come  to  an  ancker  and  so  the  shipps  which  might  easely  have 
bene  taken  or  spoyled  blocked  them  selves  upp  so  as  afterwards 
when  we  could  we  could  not  come  at  them. 

6.  In  that  we  did  not  at  oure  first  cominge  every  shipp  let 
fly  a  brod  syde  into  the  Towne  and  then  psently  have  landed  but 
halfe  of  oure  soulders  which  might  have  bene  donne  without  any 
greate  danger  for  the  wind  was  so  that  it  would  have  drive  the 
smoke  into  the  Towne  so  that  they  could  not  have  mayd  a  shott  at 
us  but  at  randome  and  then  whether  we  should  have  taken  it  or  no 
Judge  for  it  may  esely  be  proved  that  there  was  not  at  that  tyme 
above  600  soulders  there  nor  20  pece  of  ordnance  mounted. 

But  we  lay  still  all  that  night  and  saw  them  labor  hard  untill 
they  had  mounted  there  ordnance. 

6.  That  no  course  was  taken  to  block  up  the  gallies  in  St. 
Mary  porte  which  might  have  bene  donne  with  6  shipps  by  which 
negleckt  they  did  contenewally  carry  soulders  into  the  Towne  and 
fetch  away  the  treasure,  which  I  am  pswaded  did  excedingly  dis- 
corage  the  most  of  oure  men  but  espetially  such  as  before  could 
thinke  of  nothinge  but  gould  silkes  vellvetts  &c. 

7.  When  our  soulders  were  landed  and  in  there  march  towards 
the  bridge  metinge  with  at  the  least  70  butts  of  sacke  at  the 
Ducke  of  Modena  his  howse  that  they  did  not  make  it  good  but 
spoyled  it  which  would  have  releved  the  whole  fleight  many  havinge 
nether  sweet  beare  nor  watter  and  amongst  them  my  selfe  was  one. 

8. 
7 


50  CHRISTOPHER  LEVETT. 

8.  When  the  designe  was  (after  oure  cominge  from  Calles)  to 
lye  at  sea  about  the  Sother  Cape  to  mete  with  the  playte  fleight 
that  there  was  then  no  wyse  or  warrlike  course  taken  for  there  we 
lay  still  in  the  daytyme  and  I  think  they  had  bene  madd  if  they 
would  have  come  nere  us  and  in  the  night  we  sett  saille  so  that  if 
we  should  hav  mett  with  any  shipps  we  could  not  have  knowne 
them  from  oure  owne  fleight  by  which  meanes  they  might  have 
bene  gone  before  morninge  But  if  they  had  bene  experienced  men 
of  warr  then  would  they  have  gone  thus  to  worke  vide  the  three 
Admyralls  to  have  seperated  them  selves  with  there  squadrons  and 
have  agreed  uppon  a  certan  course  of  salinge  as  thus  one  squadron 
to  have  stood  close  by  a  wind  the  next  to  have  stood  2  poynts  larger 
and  the  the  third  2  poynts  larger  then  he  and  to  have  appoynted 
there  place  of  randevow  Then  might  they  hav  met  with  Shipps  if 
there  had  bene  any  stiringe  and  if  one  squadron  could  not  have 
fetched  them  upp  they  might  have  drive  them  uppon  an  other  and 
if  all  had  myssed  it  had  bene  more  then  ill  luck. 


1 

>.  Example  2 
3 


Allso  we  should  have  knowne^ 
certanly  how  to  have  met  agane 
which  we  could  not  doe  as  we 
carryed  the  busenes  for  we  were  ^ 
pted  the  day  of  No  :  and  if  we  should  have  dyed  for  it 

we  knewe  not  how  to  mete  agane  for  if  we  had  saled  close  aborde 
the  shore  we  could  not  have  gote  of  agane  and  shure  I  am  it  would 
have  bene  as  good  harboringe  in  the  enemyes  contry  for  1.  2.  5  or 
10  shipps. 

9.     If  when  we  came  from  Calles  we  had  had  orders  to  goe 
home  we  might  have  bene  at  home  in  20  or  28  dayes  which  if  we 

had 


CHRISTOPHER  LEVETT.  51 

had  donne  there  might  have  bene  many  mens  lives  saved  much 
vittell  and  more  money  as  the  freight  of  shipps  mens  wages 
and  the  shipps  would  have  gone  forth  agayne  in  a  shorte  tyme  if 
the  kinje  and  State  should  have  so  thought  it  fitt. 

What  course  I  conseve  is  best  to  weaken  the  Spanyerd  and  most 
profitable  for  oure  owne  Kation. 

1.  To  let  him  alone  and  not  to  medle  with  his  comodyties 
which  is  nothinge  to  speake  of  but  wine  oyle  and  frute  nether  to 
carry  him  any  of  oures  And  if  he  want  our  poore  John  heringe 
and  pilcher3  3  but  one  7  yeres  I  verely  beleve  he  will  nether  be  able 
to  live  at  home  nor  vittell  his  shipps  to  send  them  abrode. 

2.  Block  upp  the  passage  of  the  Hamburgers  Dunkerkers 
by  scouringe  oure  owne  Chanell  which  will  allso  be  a  great  securety 
to  oure  owne  ^Nation  and  is  as  I  thinke  an  acktion  of  nessessety  as 
the  case  now  stands. 

3.  ffortefy  our  fishinge  places  of  New  Ingland  and  New  found- 
land  which  allso  I  thinke  must  of  nessessety  be  donne  or  otherwise 
it  is  to  be  f  ered  we  shall  lose  a  more  profitable  Contry  then  the  West 
Indes  for  I  hould  that  the  Scolls  of  fish  there  is'  better  then  the 
myndes  elsewhere  and  this  may  be  donne  with  litle  charge  (in  com- 
parison) 

32.  Poor  Johns  and  pilcJiards. 
The  first  were  hake  salted  and  dried, 
and  the  latter  a  kind  of  herring  caught 
in  large  quantities  on  the  coast  of 
Cornwall.  Pilchards,  when  smoked, 
were  called  hy  the  Spaniards/umodos, 
which  was  corrupted  by  the  Cornish 
fishermen  into  fairmaids.  Both  the 
poor  Johns  and  pilchards  were  ex- 
ported extensively  to  Spain  and  other 
Roman  Catholic  countries,  and  were 


a  staple  article  of  food  during  Lent 
and  on  fast  days.  The  poor  Johns 
were  so  named  because,  being  a  cheap 
and  coarse  article  of  food,  they  were 
much  sought  by  the  poor. 
Massinger  alludes  to  their  use  thus ; 

*'  I  would  not  be  of  one  religion  that 

should  command  me 
To  feed  upon  poor  John,  when  I  se* 

pheasants 
And  partridges  on  the  table." 


52  CHRISTOPHER  LEVETT. 

parison)  and  in  the  very  ackt  we  shall  be  inriched  ffor  first  oure 
Shippinge  which  is  like  now  for  want  of  trayde  to  be  still  may 
be  imployed  as  allso  oure  marreners. 

Nay  I  will  undertake  to  set  downe  a  course. 

1.  How  with  one  subsedy  New  Ingland  shall  be  mayd  good  for 
ever  without  any  more  charge  to  oure  kinge  and  Nation. 

2.  That  in  consideration  of  that  one  charge  oure  Nation  shall 
for  ever  receve  from  thence  such  a  yerly  profitt  as  shall  mayntayne 
a  reasonable  army  or  fleet  or  mayntayne  all  the  poore. 

3.  That  within  the  space  of  20  yeres  there  shall  be  nether  beg- 
ger  nor  any  poore  people  that  shall  need  mayntinance  from  par- 
rishes  except  blynd  lame  and  ould  people  that  shall  not  be 
able  to  worke. 

4.  That  out  of  this  one  charge  they  shall  have  every  yere  (after 
they  shall  be  fortefyed)  a  shipp  of  500  ton  bulke  and  fitted  with  all 
tacklinge  except  Iron  worke  which  what  a  strength  it  will  be 
to  oure  Nation  let  all  men  Judge. 

6.  That  they  shall  be  able  to  doe  more  hurte  to  the  kinge  of 
Spayne  and  his  West  Indes  then  all  Ingland  besides  as  they  are 
nearer  and  they  shall  be  in  their  wake  by  there  ordynary  course  of 
trayde  to  the  Straytes. 

Now  my  desire  is  that  howsoever  these  thinges  may   seame 

strange  and  impossible  to  you  at  the  first  yet  to  spare  your  Censure 

untill  I  have  made  answer  to  all  such  obiecktions  as  shall  be  mayd 

aganst  what  I  have  sayd.     And  if  his  Maiesty  would  be  pleased  to 

refer  me  ether  to  the  Parlament  Counsell  Table  or  other  Comission- 

ers  to  be  examined  if  I  doe  not  make  good  what  I  have  sayd  then 

let  me  be  ponished  as  a  trobler  of  the  State. 

Neither 


CHRISTOPHER  LEVETT.  53 

Nether  let  any  man  thinke  that  I  have  any  sinister  end  in  it  for 
I  will  make  it  appere  that  I  doe  not  desire  to  have  any  money  in 
my  hands  or  other  trust  reposed  in  me  then  to  sett  downe  the 
course  that  must  be  taken  or  to  lyne  out  the  path  that  must  be  trodd 
in. 

And  if  I  can  bringe  glory  to  god  honor  to  my  soverayne  and 
good  to  my  native  Contry  then  shall  I  thinke  my  selfe  more  happy 
then  if  I  had  the  whole  world. 

Nor  let  the  proiecht  be  the  worse  thought  of  for  proceedinge 
from  a  meane  &  simple  psonne  for  I  assure  you  when  I  was  in  the 
Contry  of  New  England  1  took  more  panes  (though  to  my  cost)  to 
fynd  out  the  nature  of  the  Contry  the  disposition  of  the  inhabitants 
and  the  comodyties  which  was  there  to  be  had  as  allso  the  best 
course  to  obtayn  them  then  any  man  that  was  then  in  the  Contry 
and  I  dare  say  further  then  any  that  ever  was  there  before  me 
Nether  had  any  man  those  helpes  that  I  had  (I  meane  not  of  money) 
but  for  the  advice  of  the  most  skillfull  Marchants  and  experienced 
fishermen  that  used  that  trayde  or  contry  and  for  the  Inhabitants 
I  thinke  I  know  as  well  how  to  deale  with  them  as  any  other. 

We  know  not  the  reply  of  the  Secretary  to  Levett, 
if  one  was  made ;  but  certainly  his  prayer  for  another 
ship  was  not  immediately  granted,  since  we  find  him 
some  weeks  later  applying  for  a  ship,  to  Nicholas,  the 
Secretary  and  servile  dependent  of  Buckingham,  with 
whom  it  would  seem  he  had  also  been  in  correspondence, 
and  who  was  drawing  from  him  a  portion  of  his  earn- 
ings, for  so  corrupt  were  the  times,  that  no  man  could 

hold 


54  CHRISTOPHER  LEVETT. 

r 

hold  a  place  under  the  government  without  sharing  his 
earnings  with  some  parasite  of  the  court.  Even  justice 
was  a  thing  of  traffic,  and  it  had  become  simply  a  busi- 
ness transaction  for  men  in  place  to  accept  bribes  from 
those  needing  their  favor  and  influence.  Strangely 
enough,  the  stream  of  time,  which  has  engulfed  so  many 
valuable  records,  has  brought  to  us  this  insignificant 
waif,  for  Nicholas  preserved  it,  and  doubtless  placed  it  in 
his  master's  hand,  in  order  to  aid  his  correspondent. 
It  seems  proper  to  present  this  letter  here,  in  order  to 
show  the  manner  of  an  age,  in  which  a  man  like  Levett, 
in  order  to  obtain  a  merited  position,  was  obliged  to  pur- 
chase the  influence  of  those  in  public  office. 

Worthy  Sr. 

I  besech  you  remember  me  for  a  good  shippe  when  there  shal 
be  occation.  I  assure  you  I  will  be  very  thankfull.  I  hope  Capt : 
John  Harvey  3-^  dd  a  token  to  you  frome  me  when  I  had  my  last 
warrant  and  another  when  the  rest  of  the  Captans  sent  to  you 
from  Portsmoth,  when  we  had  oure  100  nobles,  hereafter  I  hope 
to  show  my  selfe  as  thankfull  and  observant  as  any  other.  Good 
Sr.  stand  my  frend  to  my  Lo :  for  his  warrant  for  this  money  layd 

forth, 


33.  Several  of  Levett's  associates, 
it  will  have  been  already  observed, 
were  interested  in  America.  Capt. 
John  Harvey  had  voyaged  to  Virginia 
several  years  before.  He  was  not  only 
a  good  navigator  but  also  a  man  of 
affairs,  and  shortly  after  his  mention 


by  Levett  received  the  honor  of 
Knighthood.  Later  we  find  him  in  the 
position  of  Governor  of  Virginia.  For 
particulars  concerning  him,  vide  Vir- 
ginia Carolorum,  by  Edward  D.  Neill, 
Albany.  N.  Y.,  1886,  pp.  36,  ©2,  100, 
116,  et  passim. 


CHRISTOPHER  LEVETT.  55 

forth,  and  the  one  halfe  of  it  I  will  willingly  give  unto  you  in  token 
of  my  thankfuUnes.  I  have  bene  wUi  the  Commissioners  and  though 
some  of  them  be  willinge  to  pleasure  me  yet  they  say  there  is  no 
meanes  to  gett  it  but  by  the  Duckes  owne  warrant.  Thus  craving 
pdon  for  my  bouldnes  I  rest 

Youre  fathfuU  and 

observant  frende 
Febr ;  this  28th  ^^  . 

1626  ^>V^  3^^^  ' 

Endorsed : 

To  his  much  Honored  frend 
Mr  Neicolis  Secretary  to  the 
Ducke  of  Buckingha  his 
Grace  these  /  28.  Eebr,  1626. 

CAPT.  LEVETT. 

When  this  letter  was  written,  Buckingham  was  in 
no  mood  to  give  it  attention,  for  he  was  before  Parlia- 
ment, struggling  to  defend  himself  against  charges  of 
wrong  doing  too  strong  to  be  readily  overcome  even  by 
him  with  the  power  of  the  throne  behind  him,  and  we 
find  Levett,  in  a  few  weeks,  again  appealing  to  Coke, 
this  time  from  Stoke's  Bay,  on  board  the  Susan  and 
Ellen.  His  fellow  captains,  equally  anxious  with  him- 
self for  employment,  had  rushed  to  London  upon  a 
rumor  which  had  reached  them  of  another  expedition, 
which  was  soon  to  be  organized  for  service  in  some  direc- 
tion, 


A 


56  CHRISTOPHER  LEVETT. 

tion,  and  Levett,  who  had  been  appointed  an  associate 
Commissioner  with  Pennington,  Buckingham's  most  use- 
ful tool  in  the  disgraceful  plot  against  the  protestants 
of  Rochelle,  already  spoken  of,  was  unable  to  leave  his 
post  to  make  a  personal  appeal  to  the  Secretary,  hence 
this  letter. 

To  THE  Eight  Honorable  S«  John  Cooke  Principall  Seck- 

RATORY   TO   HIS    MaIESTY 

Right  Honorahle 

Havinge  bene  an  antiant  suter  to  you  for  a  better  Shipp  (then 
that  I  had  the  last  voyage  and  yet  doth  hould  beinge  a  Colyer)  And 
recevinge  such  an  honorable  answer  from  you  as  I  did,  I  have  ever 
since  lived  in  hope  to  exchange  hit  for  some  pncipall  marchant  or 
other  But  I  confes  such  petty  things  as  this  is  not  worthy  the 
thinking  of  by  so  honorable  a  psonage  as  youre  selfe  Yet  I  besech 
youre  Honor  seinge  that  a  word  of  youre  mouth  will  doe  it  make  me 
so  happy  as  once  to  comand  a  good  shipp  and  then  I  will  not  only 
seace  to  troble  you  but  allso  indevor  to  show  my  selfe  as  I  allways 
will  be  your  fathfuU  servant.  Here  is  a  report  that  there  are  di- 
vers Marchants  Shipps  taken  upp  for  the  Kings  service  wheruppon 
divers  of  oure  Captans  ar  gone  to  London,  but  for  my  owne  pt  I 
cannot  stir  beinge  one  of  the  Comisshoners  in  the  absence  of  Cap- 
tan  Penington  nether  have  I  any  frend  to  depend  uppon,  only  I 
psume  to  declare  my  selfe  unto  youre  Honor  and  so  doth  rest  now 
and  ever  Youre  Honors  fathfull 

and  obedyent  servant 

ffrom  aborde  the  Susan  & 
Ellen  now  ridinge  in  Stocks        ^^^9"^^^   ^^^^^^^w      • 
bay  this  1  of  June  1626  C^ 

Although 


CHRISTOPHER  LEVETT.  57 

Although  active  in  seeking  employment,  Levett  had 
not  forgotten  his  plantation  in  New  England.  What 
had  become  of  his  fortified  house  on  the  Island  at  the 
mouth  of  Portland  Harbor,  and  the  men  left  in  charge 
of  it,  we  know  not.  His  Indian  friends  had  long  watched 
the  sea  in  vain  for  the  coming  of  "  poor  Levett,"  as  they 
affectionately  styled  him.  Levett's  plan,  as  presented 
to  Secretary  Coke  in  his  "  Relation,"  was  carefully  form- 
ulated and  laid  before  the  king,  probably  through  the 
agency  of  Nicholas  and  Buckingham,  for  but  little  could 
reach  the  royal  eye  without  the  latter's  favor.  But  Lev- 
ett well  knew  the  importance  of  able  advocates  and  Coke 
was  his  friend,  and  already  knew  something  of  his  plans, 
hence  he  again  addressed  him  on  the  subject  nearest  his 
heart. 

He  was  wearied  with  the  petty  jealousies  and  strifes 
of  the  narrow  world  about  him,  and  longed,  like  many 
others,  for  the  far  off  New  World,  with  its  free  air  and  blue 
sky,  and  limitless  stretches  of  forest,  mountain  and  plain, 
across  the  great  ocean,  inaccessible  to  the  pettiness  and 
vanity  which  reigned  wherever  the  influence  of  the  court 
extended,  making  life  irksome  to  manly  hearts. 

"  There  is  no  man, "  says  Levett,  "  who  knows  better 
than  myself  what  benefit  would  accrue  unto  this  kingdom 
by  New  England  if  it  were  well  planted  and  fortified ; " 

but 

8 


58  CHRISTOPHER  LEVETT. 

but  although  he  was  in  a  fair  way  to  achieve  his  purpose, 
he  needed  the  assistance  which  Coke  could  easily  afford 
him,  by  supporting  his  petition  to  the  king.  If  he  would 
not  do  this,  Levett  begged  the  Secretary  to  put  him  in 
a  good  ship,  that  he  might  do  the  king  service  and  not 
remain  idle.     The  letter  is  as  follows : 

To  THE  Right  Wo^  Sr  John  Cooke  Prinoepall  Seoratory  of 
State  and  one  of  his  Maties  most  Hon  Prevey  Counsell. 

Right  Honorable  Though  I  have  hertof ore  R9  such  favors  from 
you  as  makes  me  your  servant  till  death  yet  I  besech  you  give  me 
leave  once  agayne  to  be  a  houmble  sutor  to  youre  honor  and  I  hope  I 
shall  no  more  troble  you  but  be  inabled  thereby  to  shew  my  duty 
in  a  more  suffetient  manner  then  ever  yet  I  could  (though  I  have 
excedingly  thirsted  after  it) 

It  hath  pleased  god  to  deny  a  blessiuge  to  the  labors  of  us  all 
that  hath  beenlmployed  in  his  Maties  service  at  sea  And  I  despayre 
of  better  suckses  in  any  shorte  tyme  for  that  I  see  allmost  all  men 
amongst  us  seeke  more  there  owne  ends  then  gods  glory  or  there 
soveraigns  honor. 

Youre  Hor  knowes  what  oppenion  I  have  of  New  England  and 
my  grounds  for  the  same  And  I  must  nede  say  the  more  I  thinke 
of  it  the  more  I  affeckt  it.  There  is  no  man  knowes  better  than 
my  selfe  what  benifit  would  accrew  unto  this  kingdome  by  that 
Contry  if  it  were  well  planted  and  f  ortef  yed  wch  makes  me  so  desirus 
to  tread  out  a  path  that  all  men  may  follow. 

I  am  now  in  a  fayre  way  to  it  only  I  want  a  little  helpe  to  further 
me  (wch  if  I  may  so  say  the  putting  tow  of  the  very  tope  of  youre 

finger 


CHRISTOPHER  LEVETT.  59 

finger  would  purchas  it  for  me)  The  pteculers  I  have  mentioned  in 
a  petition  to  his  Matie  (I  could  hope  that  my  requests  will  not 
seame  alltogether  unreasonable  or  my  selfe  utterly  unworthy  to 
be  rewarded.)  But  forsackinge  all  vayne  confydence  I  fly  unto 
your  Hor  as  my  only  medyator  unto  his  Matie  for  the  obtaininge  of 
my  request  Humbly  bes aching  you  to  stand  my  friend  at  this 
tyme  (and  at  once  to  make  me  as  happy  as  this  world  can  make 
me.)  But  if  my  sute  shall  seame  unreasonable  unto  youre  Honor 
then  I  besech  you  put  me  into  a  good  Shipp  that  I  may  doe  his 
Matie  service  any  way  and  not  be  Idle  Thus  houmbly  craving 
pardon  for  this  my  tow  much  bouldnes  in  psuminge  to  be  thus  bould 
I  rest  ever  your  Hor  fathf ul  servant 

Dartmoth  this  ^^  . 

29th  of  No :  ^^>^fiHS  ^^^   \ 

1626.  ^ 

» 

For  nearly  a  year  v^e  lose  sight  of  Levett  amid  the 
confusion  which  everyv^here  reigned.  The  Queen's 
Roman  Catholic  household  v^as  broken  up  by  the  King, 
v^ho  could  no  longer  tolerate  the  idle  and  overbearing 
priests,  v^ho  had  her  spiritual  v^elfare  in  their  keeping, 
and  the  dissolute  and  supercilious  crew,  who  danced 
attendance  upon  her,  and  they  were  all  packed  off  to 
Paris  with  much  useless  paraphernalia.  This  done,  the 
King  and  Buckingham  set  their  wits  to  work  to  devise 
some  method  to  get  the  people,  who  were  becoming 
dangerously  clamorous,  into  better  humor.     One  of  their 

acts 


6o  CHRISTOPHER  LEVETT. 

acts  was  especially  censured,  the  odium  of  which  attached 
principally  to  Buckingham,  namely,  the  attempt  to  force 
English  Protestants  to  destroy  their  French  brethren  of 
Rochelle,  and  it  was  thought  that  by  fitting  out  an  expe- 
dition to  support  the  latter  against  the  King's  brother-in- 
law  of  France,  the  popular  mind  would  be  turned  in 
their  favor.  It  was  an  artful  scheme,  and  Buckingham 
bent  all  his  energies  to  put  it  into  operation.  A  fleet  of 
seventy-six  vessels  was  gathered,  and  sailed  with  a  great 
show  of  piety  in  the  early  summer  of  1627,  but  when  it 
appeared  before  Rochelle,  so  much  was  the  English  King 
and  Buckingham  distrusted,  that  the  people  of  that  city 
refused  to  permit  it  to  enter  their  harbor;  hence  Buck- 
ingham turned  away,  and  falling  upon  the  isle  of  Rh^,  laid 
siege  to  the  castle  of  St.  Martin.  After  vain  attempts 
to  capture  this  formidable  fortress,  he  was  obliged  to 
abandon  it  with  the  loss  of  a  large  portion  of  his  army, 
and  to  return  to  England  to  face  greater  unpopularity 
than  ever. 

We  can  hardly  understand  why  Levett  was  not  with 
Buckingham  in  this  expedition,  but  we  know  that  he 
was  in  England  awaiting  some  response  to  his  petition, 
and  probably  making  constant  efforts  to  draw  support  to 
it ;  indeed,  we  find  him  writing  to  Coke,  shortly  before 
the  return  of  Buckingham's  ill-starred  expedition,  enclos- 
ing 


CHRISTOPHER  LEVETT.  6i 

ing  a  letter  from  "  a  servant  in  New  England,"  probably 
one  of  the  men  left  by  him  to  keep  his  house  in  Casco 
Bay. 

Chafing  under  disappointment,  Levett  forcibly  ex- 
pressed his  regret  that  the  King  should  permit  such  a 
country  to  fall  into  the  hands  of  an  enemy  who  would,  by 
its  possession,  be  as  well  provided  for  building  and  furnish- 
ing ships  as  any  prince  in  the  world ;  and  he  assured  the 
Secretary  that  if  the  King  and  Council  thought  it  worth 
preserving,  he  was  as  capable  of  undertaking  its  fortifica- 
tion as  any  one  of  the  King's  subjects.  "  I  beseech  your 
Honor,"  he  wrote,  "  let  not  the  multiplicity  of  weighty 
and  chargeable  affairs,  which  are  now  in  hand,  cause  this 
to  be  neglected,"  for,  if  this  should  be  done,  "much 
damage  and  dishonor  must  certainly  ensue."  He  closed 
by  expressing  his  readiness  to  attend,  upon  notice,  an 
audience  in  London.  The  full  text  of  this  letter  is  here 
presented. 


rn 


To  THE  Eight  Hoblb  Sb  John  Coke  Princepall  Secratory  to 
HIS  Matib  and  one  of  his  honorable  Prevy  Counsell 

THESE 

Right  Honorable 

m 

I  have  a  letter  from  a  gent  (though  a  servant  of  myne  in  New 
Englande)  wch  though  it  conserne  my  owne  pteculer  very  much 
yet  in  my  understandinge  it  doth  allso  conserne  the  kinge  and  state 

And 


A 


62  CHRISTOPHER  LEVETT. 

And  therfore  I  thought  good  to  send  it  to  your  honor  leavinge 
the  consideration  of  it  to  youre  wisdome  Only  give  me  leave  to 
say  this  much  that  in  my  oppenyon  it  were  greate  petty  his  Matie 
should  lose  such  a  Contry  but  a  thousand  tymes  more  petty  that  his 
enemy  should  enjoy  it  for  if  he  should  I  am  shure  he  would  be  as 
well  fitted  for  buildinge  of  shippes  as  any  Prfcice  in  the  world  and 
not  the  worst  pvided  for  vittlinge  of  his  shippes.  Of  what  conse- 
quence this  may  be  you  know  best.  But  if  in  the  Judgment  of  his 
Matie  and  you  the  Lords  of  his  Counsell  it  be  a  Contry  worth  the 
houldinge  Then  give  me  leve  to  speke  bouldly  (yet  under  correck- 
tion)  I  know  as  well  how  to  make  that  Contry  good  against  an 
enemy  as  any  Subieckt  his  Matie  hath  and  can  doe  it  wth  a  tenth 
pte  of  the  Charge  that  an  other  shall  demand  nay  wth  no  Charge  at 
all  in  Comparrison  if  a  fite  tyme  be  taken  I  have  knowne  divers 
Marchants  under  goe  a  greater  charge  in  a  months  tyme  for  pven- 
tion.  I  besech  youre  Honor  let  not  the  multeplessity  of  weightie 
and  Chargable  affayres  wch  are  now  in  hand  cause  this  to  be 
negleckted  ffor  I  assure  you  if  it  be  not  spedely  put  in  execution  much 
damage  and  dishonor  must  certanly  ensue  If  youre  honor  thinke 
me  worthy  of  Audyence  I  shall  be  redy  to  attende  uppon  notice  wch 
I  may  spedely  have  dwellinge  in  Sherborne  a  porte  Towne  in  the 
Eode  to  Plimoth.  Thus  houmbly  cravinge  pdon  I  rest  ever  your 
Honors  most  obedyent  servant 

Sherborne  this      )  ^   ^  d^  ^       ^  >^  — .-•'atV    ^ 

lOth  of  October :  |  ^^^'  ^>^   ^^^    . 

Buckingham,  returning  from  his  failure  at  Rh^,  landed 
at  Plymouth,  and  proceeded  at  once  to  London,  passing 

through 


CHRISTOPHER  LEVETT.  63 

through  Sherborne,  where  Levett  saw  him,  and  in  spite 
of  his  preoccupation,  managed  to  get  his  ear,  and  speak 
a  few  words  in  behalf  of  the  New  England  project.  This 
he  immediately  communicated  to  Coke,  and  told  him 
that  Buckingham  desired  one  of  his  gentlemen  to  call 
his  attention  to  this  subject  when  he  reached  London. 
Levett  also  enclosed  a  plan  setting  forth  his  views 
relative  to  New  England,  and  pressed  the  Secretary  to 
examine  it.  If  desired,  he  would  visit  London,  but  if 
nothing  was  done,  he  declared  that  he  should  be  forced 
to  give  orders  to  those  in  his  employ,  who  were  engaged 
in  fishing  in  New  England,  to  return  home.  The  letter 
to  Coke,  with  the  enclosure,  is  as  follows : 

To  THE  Eight  Hoble  Sir  John  Coke  Prinoepall  Secratory  to 
HIS  Matie  at  his  lodginge  in  the  Courte 

THESE 

Right  Honorable 

I  made  boulde  to  send  unto  you  a  letter  wch  came  from  a  servant 
of  myne  in  New  England  but  have  heard  nothinge  since  how  you 
stand  affeckted  to  the  busenes  wch  makes  me  presume  once  more  to 
solicett  youre  Honor  to  be  a  f rend  unto  it  And  the  rather  for  that 
uppon  Wednesday  last  att  night  I  did  acquaint  my  Lord  duclce  in 
pte  with  it  who  seamed  to  like  it  well  and  wisht  Mr  Henry  Croo  to 
put  him  in  mynd  of  it  when  he  came  to  London  I  besech  your 
Honor  wthall  to  take  notice  of  this  enclosed  and  if  you  signify  unto 
me  that  you  would  have  me  come  upp  about  it  I  will  not  be  longe 

absent 


i 


64  CHRISTOPHER  LEVETT. 

absent  otherwyse  I  shall  be  inforced  to  give  order  to  my  servants 

to  come  away  wth  there  shippes  that  ar  now  going  to  fish  there 

thus  hopinge  of  youre  Honors  favorable  acceptance  of  my  dutye  I 

rest 

Youre  Honors  obedyent  servant 

Sherborne  this 


17th  of  No :  1627 


^>i^  X>^*># : 


[Inclosure.] 

The  tyme  of  danger  is  from  the  begininge  of  June  to  the  last 
of  January  or  therabouts  All  wch  tyme  there  is  no  English  shipps 
uppon  that  coste  ffor  the  fleet  of  ffishermen  doe  comonly  arive  there 
in  January  and  ffebr :  The  fishinge  contenewes  untill  the  begininge 
of  May  and  by  the  ende  of  that  month  comonly  they  dept 

The  maner  of  the  fl&shermen  is  to  leave  there  shallops  in  the 
Contry  untill  the  next  season  every  shipe  in  that  harbor  when  they 
fish  There  may  be  of  them  in  all  about  3  or  400  and  if  they  want 
there  botts  they  may  easily  be  pvented. 

If  an  enemy  should  come  it  is  likly  they  will  put  into  the  first 
harbor  they  make  for  it  is  dangerous  lyinge  longe  for  shipps 
uppon  that  coste  wthout  extraordynary  good  pilotts.  The  coste 
beinge  full  of  depe  bayes  broken  islands  and  souncken  rocks  Now 
they  can  come  into  no  harbor  but  they  shall  fynde  botts  for  the  trans- 
portinge  of  there  men  alongst  the  costes  to  any  place  they  desier 
wherin  is  the  greatest  danger  for  they  cannot  march  by  lande  And 
it  is  not  like  that  there  will  come  any  great  flett  to  take  up  many 
harbors  the  planters  beinge  in  all  not  above  300. 

The  first  thinge  wch  I  conseve  fitt  to  be  done  is  that  all  men 

be 


CHRISTOPHER  LEVETT.  65 

be  comanded  at  the  end  of  there  voyage  to  bringe  all  there  shallops 
into  one  harbor  and  there  to  have  them  untill  the  next  yeare  And 
the  fittest  harbor  I  conceve  to  be  quacke  (but  by  me  in  my  dis- 
covery named  Yorke)  beinge  the  most  princepall  in  the  Contry  and 
in  the  mydst  of  all  the  fishinge. 

The  next  thinge  is  to  fortefye  that  harbor  wch  may  be  donne 
wth  4  shipps  wherof  three  to  be  colyers  of  16  pece  of  ordnance  and 
one  good  Marchant  man. 

The  next  is  to  draw  all  the  planters  to  that  place  bt  if  that 
shall  be  found  unfittinge  then  to  give  them  some  arms  and  mew- 
nyshon  for  there  defence. 

Now  though  there  be  no  danger  of  enemyes  untill  June  yet  I 
hould  it  the  best  tyme  to  send  away  there  shipps  before  the  last  of 
the  psent  month  for  these  reasons. 

fiirst  by  this  meanes  they  beinge  in  the  Contry  all  the  fishinge 
season  there  is  no  doubt  by  gods  helpe  but  all  the  charges  of  the 
voyage  will  be  defrayed  at  the  worste. 

Secondly  they  shall  have  the  helpe  of  all  the  fishermen  at  divers 
tymes  to  worke  about  fortefy cations  beinge  that  they  shall  therby 
be  more  secured  to  use  there  trayde  more  frely  wch  thinge  will  be 
very  advantageous  there  beinge  at  the  least  4000  men  every  fishinge 
season  in  the  Contry  who  ar  able  to  doe  much  in  a  little  tyme  and 
wthoute  any  charge  to  his  Matie. 

These  thinges  I  doe  wish  may  be  spedely  considered  of  and 
spedely  put  in  execution  least  when  it  be  tow  layte  it  be  repented 
of. 

And  to  conclud  thus  much  I  will  say  under  corecktion  If  his 
Matie  please  to  give  me  Comishon  to  take  4  of  these  shipps  wch 
ar  now  in  his  service  maned  with  300  men  such  as  ar  fitt  for  that 

employment 
0 


66  CHRISTOPHER  LEVETT. 

employment  ffitt  them  wth  all  thinges  nessesary  for  a  fishinge 
voyage  (as  all  merchant  shipps  ar  wch  goe  thether  to  fish)  and 
vittell  for  12  months  compleate  then  by  gods  assistance  I  will 
undertake  to  doe  these  things. 

1.  Doe  my  best  endevor  to  take  prises  beinge  likly  to  mett 
wth  divers  in  the  way  both  outward  and  homeward  bounde. 

2.  Secure  that  coste  from  enemyes  or  at  least  that  harbor  untill 
the  flett  of  ffishermen  (who  ar  now  about  40  or  50  saile  and  reason- 
able stronge)  come  agane. 

3.  By  the  end  of  May  next  pvide  so  much  fish  and  oyle  as 
shall  countervalle  the  charge  of  all  the  vittell  and  mewnyshon  and 
after  wards  bringe  home  so  much  as  shall  pay  all  waiges  and  de- 
fray the  rest  of  the  charge 

4.  Doe  my  best  to  surprise  the  bancke  fishers  wch  if  I  faille 
to  doe  lett  me  not  only  be  cashered  with  out  pay  or  gratewety  but 
also  be  imprisoned  all  the  dayes  of  my  life — pvided  allwayes  that 
the  casuallties  of  the  season  and  extraordynary  and  unusuall  crosses 
be  excepted  and  that  it  may  presently  be  sett  on  f  oote  that  soe  the 
next  fishing  season  be  not  lost  there  being  now  tyme  suffetient  for 
fittinge  of  all  thinges  as  I  will  undertake 


"No :  the  17th 
1627. 


*^>^  ^^*^  -. 


It  is  pleasing  to  find  that  Levett's  persistence  at  last 
bore  fruit.     His  project  was  brought  before  the  King 
and  Council,  probably  explained  by  himself  in  person, 
for  we  find,  shortly  after  this  last  letter  to  Coke,  an  ex- 
traordinary 


CHRISTOPHER  LEVETT.  67 

traordinary  proclamation  issued  by  the  King,  directed  to 
the  ecclesiastical  authorities,  requiring  the  churches  of 
the  realm  to  take  up  a  contribution  in  behalf  of  his 
colonial  enterprise  in  Casco  Bay.  That  such  a  contri- 
bution should  have  been  ordered  by  the  King,  and  sanc- 
tioned by  the  Privy  Council,  is  remarkable.  This  unique 
instrument  sets  forth  important  facts  in  Levett's  scheme. 
We  are  informed  by  the  King,  that  Colonial  enterprises 
in  New  England  having  been  interrupted  by  his  diffi- 
culties with  France  and  Spain,  it  had  become  necessary, 
in  order  to  secure  English  interests  there,  to  render  as- 
sistance to  those  who  had  entered  upon  such  enterprises, 
and  that,  as  his  "  well  beloved  subject,"  Captain  Christo- 
pher Levett,  was  willing  to  risk  to  the  utmost  both  life 
and  estate  in  order  to  establish  a  colony  in  New  England, 
and  was  well  acquainted  with  the  Indians,  he  had  thought 
best  not  only  to  make  him  governor  of  New  England, 
but  to  order  churchmen  to  contribute  means  to  aid  him 
in  his  undertaking,  the  success  of  which  would  strengthen 
the  kingdom,  and  enable  the  poor  and  ignorant  savages 
to  acquire  a  knowledge  of  the  true  faith ;  a  work  which 
especially  commended  itself  to  the  King's  affection. 

This  interesting  docuinent  should  engage  our  atten- 
tion. 

CHARLES  R. 


68  CHRISTOPHER  LEVETT. 

CHARLES  R. 

CHARLES  by  the  grace  of  god  king  of  England,  Scotland, 
Fraunce  &  Ireland  defender  of  the  faith  &c.  To  all  to  whom  these 
pnts  shall  come.  Greeting. 

Whereas  we  have  benn  enformed  that  in  respect  of  the  differ- 
ences betweene  us  &  the  kings  of  Spaine  &  Fraunce,  divers  of  or 
loving  subjects  as  well  such  as  are  adventurers  in  the  planta9on  of 
Newe  England,  in  America,  as  such  as  are  well  enclyned  to  become 
adventurers  there,  are  soe  much  deterred  and  discouraged  both  from 
proceeding  wth  what  is  begun  &  what  is  by  them  intended,  that 
except  some  spiall  care  be  now  taken,  and  some  psent  meanes 
raysed,  for  ye  securing  of  the  Fishing  there,  and  the  saf etie  of  those 
Coasts  from  f orreigne  enymies  ;  They  wch  have  already  adventured 
in  that  planta9on,  are  likely  to  wth  drawe  their  estates  and  people 
from  thence  and  those  that  happily  may  desire  themselves  &  for- 
tunes in  the  same  are  by  this  meanes  altogeather  discouraged  and 
disabled,  to  proceed  to  their  inten^on ;  And  whereas  or  many  urgent 
occasions  doe  at  this  prsent  soe  farr  engage  us  for  the  necessary 
defence  of  this  or  Realmes  and  dominions  as  we  cannot  in  due 
time  give  any  assistance,  or  provide  for  the  securing  of  those 
remote  pts  wth  such  succor  and  releife  as  may  prove  requisite,  in 
a  case  of  that  importance,  whereby  that  planta^on  soe  happily  begun 
and  likely  to  prove  soe  advantagious  and  profitable,  to  vs  and  or 
subjects,  in  regard  of  the  many  comodities  &  Mchandize  thence  to 
be  had,  and  the  store  of  Tymber  there  groweing,  very  necessary  for 
the  prosrision  of  Shipping  for  the  defence  of  or  kingdomes  is  likely 
to  be  utterly  lost  and  abandoned  to  the  dishonor  of  us  and  or  na^on 
and  the  advantage  &  encouragement  of  or  enimies ;  And  whereas 
we  have   benn  enformed  that   or  welbeloved   subject  Capteyne 

Christopher 


CHRISTOPHER  LEVETT.  69 

Christopher  Levett  being  one  of  the  Councell  for  the  said  planta9on, 
and  well  knoweing  the  said  country  and  the  harbors  of  the  same, 
and  the  strength  and  disposi90n  of  the  Indians  inhabiting  in  that 
Country,  hath  undertaken  and  offred  to  add  unto  his  former  ad- 
venture there  all  his  estate,  and  to  goe  in  pson  thither,  and  by  gods 
assistance  either  to  secure  the  planters  from  Enimies,  keepe  the 
possession  of  the  said  Country  on  or  behalfe,  &  secure  the  fishing 
for  or  English  shipps,  or  else  to  expose  his  life  &  meanes  to  the 
uttermost  pill  in  that  seruice,  XJppon  wch  his  Generous  and  free 
offer  we  have  thought  fitt,  by  the  advise  of  or  privy  Councell,  and 
appointed  him  to  be  Governor  for  us  in  those  parts,  And  because 
the  Charge  in  prparing  furnishing  and  setting  forth  of  Shipps  for 
this  service  at  the  first,  wilbe  very  greate,  soe  as  wthout  the  helpe 
and  assistance  of  others  (well  wishers  of  those  planta9ons,)  those 
designes  cannot  be  soe  well  accomplished,  as  we  desire ; 

Xow  knowe  yee  that  we  out  of  the  love  and  affec9on  wch  we 
beare  to  works  of  this  nature  and  espially  for  the  propaga9on  of  the 
true  religion  wch  by  this  meanes  may  be  effected,  by  converting 
those  Ignorant  people  to  Christianitie ; 

Have  thought  fitt  by  the  advise  of  or  sd  privye  Councell  to  com- 
mend  this  soe  pious  a  worke  to  the  considera9on  and  assistance  of 
all  or  loving  and  weldisposed  subjects  ;  not  doubting  but  they, 
(well  weighing  the  necessitie  of  this  worke  and  considering  the 
prsent  troubles  of  these  times)  wilbe  ready  and  willing  to  yield  such 
assistance  to  the  same  by  their  voluntary  contribu9on  towards  the 
effecting  thereof,  as  male  in  some  measure  helpe  to  defray  the 
prsent  Charge,  now  to  be  dispended  for  the  accomplishing  thereof, 
for  the  honnor  and  safetie  of  this  kingdome  and  the  upholding  of 
the  said  planta9on ;  Wherefore  or  will  &  pleasure  is  and  we  doe  by 

these 


70  CHRISTOPHER  LEVETT. 

these  pnts  will  require  &  comaiind  all  and  singlar  Archbishops, 
Bishops,  Archdeacons  &  deanes,  wthin  their  severall  dyoces  and 
Jurisdic^ons,  that  forthwith  uppon  sight  of  these  or  Ires  patents 
they  comaund  &  cause  the  same  or  the  true  breife  thereof  to  be  read 
and  published  in  all  the  severall  pish  Churches  of  &  wthin  their 
severall  dyoces  prcincts,  and  Jurisdic9ons,  and  that  the  Churchwar- 
dens of  every  severall  pishe  shall  gather  &  collect  all  such  some 
and  somes  of  money,  as  shalbe  freely  and  voluntarilye  given  &  con- 
tributed to  the  purposes  aforesaid,  and  the  same  being  gathered  and 
collected,  forthwth  to  pay  and  deliver  over  unto  the  said  Capteyne 
Christopher  Levett  or  to  such  person  or  psons  as  shalbe  by  him  in 
writing  under  his  hand  and  scale  thereunto  authorised,  and  ap- 
pointed, whom  we  doe  thinke  most  fitt  in  regard  of  his  said  imploy- 
ment  to  be  trusted  wth  the  disposing  of  the  same.  In  witnes 
whereof  we  have  caused  these  or  Ires  to  be  made  patents  for  the 
space  of  one  whole  yeare  next  ensueing  the  date  of  these  pnts  to  en- 
dure. 

Witnes  &c. 

Exr  per  RO  HEATH. 

Male  it  please  yor  most  Ext  Matie 

This  conteyneth  yor  Mats  graunt  for  a  generall  and  free  contri- 
bu9on  to  be  collected  of  such  of  yor  Mats  subjects  as  shalbe  there- 
unto willing  for  the  mayntennce  of  the  planta9on  in  Kewe  England, 
and  to  be  paid  to  Capteyne  Christopher  Levett  whom  yor  Matie  is 
pleased  to  trust  therewth  in  respect  of  yor  Mats  Resolu9on  to  ap- 
poynt  him  Governor  there 

And  is  donne  by  order  from  the  Councell  Board,  signified  by 
Sr  Willm  Beecher.  RO.  HEATH. 

Endorsed. 


CHRISTOPHER  LEVETT.  71 

Endorsed.  February  1627.     Expr.  apud  Westmr  undecimo  die 
Februarii  Anno  R.  R.  Carol  Tertio 

Woodward  Depte  May. 
Collection  for  New  England. 
11th  February  1627. 

Mr.  Caldwell.     To  passe  by  the  lo :  Conway. 

The  contribution  in  the  churches  was  taken  up  as 
directed  by  royal  authority,  and  the  proceeds  paid  to 
Levett ;  but  what  the  amount  was  is  not  recorded,  nor 
do  we  know  what  steps  Levett  took  towards  ultimating 
his  plans.  It  is  probable  that  the  contributions  were 
insufficient  to  afford  him  the  necessary  support ;  indeed, 
the  low  ebb  to  which  the  finances  of  the  people  had  been 
reduced  by  misgovernment ;  the  unpopularity  of  the 
King  and  his  chief  adviser,  and  the  shadowy  nature  of 
the  enterprise  which  the  people  were  called  upon  to 
assist,  were  such  as  to  afford  uncertain  ground  upon 
which  Levett  could  reasonably  build  his  hopes.  He, 
however,  prepared  an  extended  account  of  his  explora- 
tions and  experiences  in  New  England,  which  were 
printed  by  William  Jones,  who  had  printed  his  book  on 
Timber  Measures.  This  book,  which  will  always  possess 
a  deep  interest  for  the  historical  student,  was  published 
in  1628. 

On  April  19th  of  this  year,  we  find  Levett  before 

Parliament 


72  CHRISTOPHER  LEVETT. 

Parliament  with  a  petition  respecting  the  two  bridges 
leading  into  Doncaster,  a  town  on  the  river  Don  about 
thirty  miles  southwest  from  the  city  of  York.  These 
bridges  were  called  the  Friars  Bridge,  then  comparatively 
new,  having  been  carried  away  by  a  flood  in  1614  and 
shortly  after  rebuilt,  and  St.  Mary's  bridge,  now  known 
as  the  Mill  Bridge,  and  furnished  an  important  entrance 
to  the  town. 

Among  his  many  grants  of  privileges.  King  James,  in 
1605,  granted  a  patent  to  William,  the  uncle  of  Christo- 
pher Levett,  to  collect  tolls  at  these  bridges,  but  for 
some  reason,  the  patent  lay  dormant  until  161 8,  when 
Levett,  began  to  enforce  his  rights. 

So  far  as  we  can  learn,  Levett  continued  to  collect 
tolls  until  1628,  when  the  clamor  against  monopolies 
reached  the  little  town  of  Doncaster,  and  its  citizens 
suddenly  awoke  to  the  fact  that  they  had  a  monopoly  in 
their  midst,  and  they  at  once  declared  it  a  grievance. 

It  would  seem  that  Christopher  Levett  had  some 
interest  in  the  patent  of  his  uncle ;  hence  his  petition  to 
Parliament,  which,  however,  was  not  retained,  Parlia-  . 
ment  being  then  in  no  mood  to  favor  anything  which 
savored  of  monopoly ;  but  a  few  weeks  later  a  petition 
against  the  objectionable  patent  was  considered,  and 
soon  after  it  was  declared  to  be  "  a  Grievance  to  the 

Subject, 


CHRISTOPHER  LEVETT. 


73 


Subject,  both  in  the  Creation  and  Execution,"  and  the 
good  people  of  Doncaster,  without  doubt,  greatly  to  their 
satisfaction,  were  able  to  cross  their  bridges  free  of  toU.'^ 
On  the  twenty-third  of  August,  Buckingham  was 
stricken  down  by  the  knife  of  an  assassin,  and  the  King 
found  himself  in  straits  all  too  perilous  to  help  any  sub- 
ject, however  "  well  beloved."  It  was  a  season  of  terrible 
agitation,  and  yet  we  may  believe  that  Levett,  in  spite 
of  it  all,  was  busy  with  his  scheme  of  settlement  in  New 
England  whither  so  many  anxious  minds  were  turning, 
though  we  may  not  be  able  to  distinguish  clearly  amidst 
the  turmoil  and  confusion,  the  man  who  could  entertain 

his 


34.  The  following  are  extracts  from 
the  Journals  of  rarliaraent,  British 
Museum  ; 

1628,  19°  Aprilis,  4°  Caroli,  Regis. 
A  Petition  from  Christopher  Levett 
read.  Upon  Question  this  Petition  not 
to  be  retained. 

27  Mali.  A  Petition  against  Levett 
read ;  And  he  to  be  sent  for  to  attend 
this  House  and  bring  his  Patent* 
with  him ;  for  this  to  be  heard  the 
Wednesday  seven  night  after  Whit- 
sun  tyde. 

12°  Junii.  The  Knights,  Citizens, 
and  Burgesses  of  Yorkshyre  and 
Yorke  to  examine  Levetts'  (Patent) 
for  the  Toll,  this  Afternoon,  in  the 
Court  of  Wards. 

♦For  a  Tojl  at  Two  Bridges  in  Yorkshire. 

10 


Sir  The.  Went  worth  reporteth  the 
Business,  concerning  the  Toll  granted 
to  Levett  for  Two  Bridge  in  Yorke- 
shyre,  to  him  and  his  Heirs,  to  be 
holden  in  socage  of  East  Gree',  at 
20s  Rent,  with  Power  to  seize  Goods, 
&c. 

No  Grant  hereof,  till  2o  Jue,  nor 
any  Fruit  of  it,  till  15o  Jue.  The 
Bridges  ancient,  in  good  repair,  some 
particularly  bound  to  repair  it.  This 
Patent  adjudged  by  the  Committee 
a  Grievance  to  the  Subject,  both  in 
the  Creation  and  Execution. 

Upon  Question  so  adjudged  here, 
The  Drawing  up  of  a  Petition  to  the 
King,  concerning  this  Grievance,  re- 
ferred. 


74  CHRISTOPHER  LEVETT. 

his  companions  in  suffering  with  merry  old  sayings, 
while  enduring  the  rigors  of  a  New  England  winter  with- 
out roof,  bed  or  board.  We  may  believe  this,  because, 
amid  the  confusion  which  reigned  in  old  England  during 
this  entire  year,  we  know  that  plans  were  elaborated  for 
a  colony  on  the  shores  of  Massachusetts  Bay,  and  John 
Endicott,  with  a  band  of  hardy  men  holding  a  patent 
from  the  Council  for  New  England,  crossed  the  Atlantic 
and  laid  the  foundations  of  Salem. 

Just  what  interest  Levett  had  in  this  ^undertaking 
we  may  never  know,  yet  when  Winthrop  cast  anchor  in 
Salem  Harbor  on  that  ever  memorable  twelfth  of  June, 
1630,  he  records  that  "  Mr.  Pierce  came  aboard  us  and 
returned  to  fetch  Mr.  Endicott,  who  came  to  us  about 

two  of  the  clock,  and  with  him  Mr.  Skelton  and  Capt. 
Levett."35 

We  way  well  enquire  how  Christopher  Levett  came  to 
be  at  Salem  at  this  time.  His  interest  in  New  England 
was  certainly  such  as  to  bring  him  naturally  into  relations 
with  others  possessing  a  similar  interest ;  besides,  the 
wide  publicity  which  the  king's  proclamation  gave  him, 
followed  by  the  publication  of  his  book — acts  which  may 
have  directed  the  thoughts  of  Endicott  and  his  associates 
New  Englandward — must  have  emphasized  the  impor- 
tance 

36.     Vide  the  History  of  New  Eng-  Vol.  I,  p.  30. 

land  by  John  Winthrop,  Boston,  1863, 


CHRISTOPHER  LEVETT.  75 

tance  of  Levett's  council  to  those  who  contemplated  emi- 
gration to  a  land,  which  to  most  was  a  terra  incognita^ 
but  with  which  he  was  well  acquainted. 

It  is  not  strange  then,  that  Christopher  Levett  was 
one  of  the  first  to  greet  Winthrop  upon  his  arrival  in 
New  England.  He  must,  however,  already  have  dis- 
posed of  his  patent  in  Casco  Bay,  which,  we  know,  passed 
into  the  possession  of  Plymouth  merchants. 

When  Winthrop  met  Levett  at  Salem,  he  was  there 
in  command  of  a  ship,  in  which  he  sailed  shortly  after  for 
England,  bearing  letters  from  Winthrop's  company  to 
their  friends  at  home.  Levett,  however,  was  not  again 
to  behold  the  green  shores  of  old  England.  On  the 
voyage  home  he  died,  and,  instead  of  reposing  with  his 
kindred  in  Yorkshire,  he  found  burial  in  the  great  ocean 
which  has  entombed  so  many  brave  adventurers. 

The  letters  which  he  was  taking  home  from  Win- 
throp's colony  never  reached  their  destination.  By  some 
means  they  fell  into  the  hands  of  their  enemies,  Morton, 
Gardiner  and  others,  and  when  these  rnien  petitioned  the 
Privy  Council  on  December  19,  1632,  to  enquire  into 
the  methods  by  which  the  colonists'  charter  from  the 
king  was  procured,  and  the  abuses  practiced  under  it, 
some  of  these  letters,  which  contained  indiscreet  refer- 
ences  to   the   Church   government   in    England,  were 

brought 


76 


CHRISTOPHER  LEVETT. 


brought  into  requisition  to  sustain  the  action  of  the 
petitioners.  On  the  twenty-second  of  the  January  fol- 
lowing our  last  unsatisfactory  glimpse  of  Christopher 
Levett  at  Salem,  his  widow  made  a  sad  journey  from 
Sherborne  to  Bristol,  where  his  ship  had  brought  his 
personal  effects.^^ 


36.  Frances,  the  widow  of  Chris- 
topher Levett,  administered  on  his 
effects  on  Jan.  22d,  1630,  as  will  be 
seen  from  the  following,  extracted 
from  the  Probate  records  of  Bristol  : 
"  LEVITT, 
Christofer  L. 

4  Admon  Act  1631-33. 
Mense  January  1630,  Bristoll. 

Vecesiino  secundo  die  emanavit 
comissio  ffrancisce  Levitt  viduoe  re- 
licte  Christoferi  Levitt  nuper  de  Sher- 
borne in  comitatu  Dorsett  defuncti 
habents  &c.  ad  administrand  bona 
inra  et  credita  d(^i  defuncti  de  bene 
<fec.  coram  mris  Henrico  Hartwell  et 
fferdinando  Nicoll  clico  vigore  co- 
missnia  in  ea  pte  emanat  &c,  29  li 
08  s  10  d." 

This  was  a  little  over  seven  months 
after  he  welcomed  with  Endicott,  on 
the  deck  of  the  Arbella,  the  arrival 
of  Winthrop  in  Salem  Harbor.  Thir- 
teen months  later,  Winthrop  records 
the  following ; 

"  By  this  ship,"  the  William,  "  we 
had  intelligence  from  our  friends  in 
England,  that  Sir  Ferdinando  Gorges 
and  Capt.  Mason  (upon  the  instiga- 


A  few 

tion  of  Sir  Christopher  Gardiner, 
Morton  and  Ratcliff)  had  preferred 
a  petition  to  the  lords  of  the  privy 
council  against  us,  charging  us  with 
many  false  accusations,  but  through 
the  Lord's  good  providence,  and  the 
care  of  our  friends  in  England, 
(especially  Mr.  Emanuel  Downing, 
who  had  married  the  governour's 
sister,  and  the  good  testimony  given 
on  our  behalf  by  one  Capt.  Wiggin, 
who  dwelt  at  Fascataquack,  and  had 
been  divers  times  among  us,)  their 
malicious  practice  took  not  effect. 
The  principal  matter  they  had  against 
us  was,  the  letters  of  some  indiscreet 
persons  among  us,  who  had  written 
against  the  church  government  in 
England,  etc.,  which  had  been  inter- 
cepted by  occasion  of  the  death  of 
Capt.  Levett,  who  carried  them,  and 
died  at  sea."  (Vide  the  History  of 
New  England,  Vol.  I,  p.  119.) 

The  following  extract  from  a  letter 
written  by  Rev.  Henry  Faynter  to 
John  Winthrop,  Jr.,  Mar.  14,  1632, 
also  refers  to  the  death  of  Levett. 
"  In  my  letter  to  your  honored  father 
is  enclosed  one  from  a  godly  gentle- 


CHRISTOPHER  LEVETT. 


77 


A  few  brief  lines  in  the  Probate  records  of  Bristol, 
the  home  of  Cabot,  furnish  us  with  the  last  vestige  of  the 
author  o£  "A  Voyage  into  New  England,"  and  the  first 
English  owner  of  the  soil  upon  which  now  stands  the  city 
of  Portland. 


woman  and  and  e,  deere  frinde  of  my 
wIfeB,  concerninge  some  gooda  of 
Capt.  Levett,  ber  deceased  husband, 
duuntoherandherohildren."  {Vide 
MasH,  HiBt.  Coll.  Vol.  I,  p  118.)    Un- 


fortunately this  letter  of  Levett'a 
wife,  enclosed  in  Payotfir's  letter,  haa 
not  been  preserved  with  the  Gover- 
nor's papers. 


VOYAGE 

INTO  NEW 
ENGLAND 

Begun  in  i6z^.  and  ended 

Fcrformed  by  ChristophekLkvett, 
hfsMaiefties  WooiwaidoC SiimrjS^liire,ani 
oneoftheCoimccUol  Ncw-Engbnd. 


Votkes 


PrlAtedat  LoMDoH,  by  Wimum  Iohes, 

indtR  lo  be  ToM  by  Eintid  Vrnfer,  u  ihc  iigiic 

•fiheBiUe  in  Pwlei  CliiiKh}aid. 


THE  EPISTLE  DEDICATORIE. 


TO  THE  RIGHT  Honorable,  George  Duke  of  Buck- 
ingham, his  Grace,  Thomas  Earle  of  Arroundell  and 
Surrey,  Robert  Earle  of  Warwicke,  John  Earle  of 
Houldentes,  and  the  rest  of  the  Counsell  for  New- 
England}'' 

AY  it  please  your  Lordships,  that  whereas  you 
ranted  your  Commission  unto  Captaine  Rob- 
ert Gorges,  Governour  of  New  England,  Cap- 
taine 

persons,  thirteen  of  whom  were  noble- 
men of  high  rank,  and  they  were  em- 
powered to  hold  territory  in  America 
extending  from  the  Atlnntic  to  the 
Faoiflo  between  the  fortieth  and  forty- 
eighth  parallels  of  north  latitude, 
which  extensive  domain  they  were 
authorized  to  colonize  and  rule. 

The  members  named  iMihW  Epii- 
(2ei)e(Iic((torie"were  among  the  most 
powerful,  viz;  George  ViUiars,  Duke 
of  Buckingham,  the  corrupt  favorite 
of  James  and  Charles  I,  who,  at  the 
early  age  of  thirty-six  years,  met  a 


37.  The  Council  for  New  England 
was  incorporated  Nov.  3, 1620,  under 
the  title  of  "  The  Council  established 
at  Plymouth. in  the  County  of  Devon, 
foT  the  planting,  ruling,  ordering  and 
goteraing.of  New  England  in  Amer- 
ica," and  was  virtually  a  re-incor- 
poration of  the  members  of  the  North- 
ern Colony  of  Virginia,  in  ordef  to 
place  il  on  an  equal  footing  with  its  ag- 
gressive rival,  the  Southern  Colony, 
whose  charter  had  already  been  twice 
enlarged. 

Its    membership  comprised  forty 


82 


THE  EPISTLE  DEDICATORIE. 


taine  Fraunces  JVesiy^^  myselfe,  and  the  Governour  of 
New  Plimoth^'^  as  Counsellers  with  him,  for  the  ordering 

and 


violent  death  at  the  hand  of  an  assas- 
sin ;  Thomas  Howard,  Earl  of  Arun- 
del, a  member  of  the  King's  Privy 
Council  in  1607,  and  who  after  an 
active  public  life  died  at  Padua,  Italy, 
Oct.  4th,  1646;  Robe.rt  Rich,  second 
Earl  of  Warwick,  bom  in  1687, 
who  was  an  active  promotor  of  colo- 
nization during  his  eventful  life, 
which  ended  April  19th.  1658;  and 
John,  Earl  of  Holderness,  born  1680, 
died  1625.  Within  the  immense  ter- 
ritory embraced  by  its  charter,  the 
Council  could  establish  such  laws  as 
it  thought  best  for  its  interests,  and 
could  even  extend  its  jurisdiction  to 
ships  coming  to  and  going  from  its 
possessions.  It  was  a  great  monop- 
oly, and  was  so  regarded  by  the  cal- 
low reformers  of  the  period.  Prior  to 
Smith's  visit  to  the  region  embraced 
by  the  Council's  charter,  it  had  at 
first  been  called  Norumbega,  but  later 
Northern  Virginia.  The  name.  New 
England,  first  appears  on  Smith's 
map  of  1614,  and  to  this  redoubtable 
navigator  its  origin  is  undoubtedly 
due,  although  a  late  writer  claims 
that  previous  to  this  date,  the  title 
had  been  used.  (  Fu2e  Henry  Hudson 
in  Holland,  by  Henry  C.  Murphy,  pp. 
43-66.)  The  author  bases  this  state- 
ment upon  a  map  published  at  Am- 
sterdam in  1612,  where  the  title,  Nova 
Albion  appears. '  With  regard  to  the 


origm  of  the  word,  Norumbega,  there 
exists  a  wide  divergence  of  opinion. 
Several  writers  claim  it  to  be  a  native 
term,  and  even  attempt  to  outline  its 
etymology,  {yide  Thevet's  Cosmog- 
raphie.  Vol.  II,  p.  1009.  Vetromile's 
History  of  the  Abnakis,  p.  49.)  It 
has  also  been  claimed  to  be  a  relic  of 
Norse  occupation,  like  several  other 
things  which  only  a  convenient  the- 
ory, unassailable  for  want  of  knowl- 
edge respecting  it,  can  father.  One 
of  these  writers  derives  it  from  Nor- 
rcenbygda,  meaning  the  Norse  Coun- 
try. (FideNorambegue,  Decouverte 
d'une  quatri^me  colonic  Pre-Colum- 
bienne  dans  le  Nouveau  Monde,  par 
Eugene  Beauvois,  pp.  27-32,  and  dis- 
covery of  the  Ancient  City  of  Nor- 
umbega, by  Eben  N.  Horsford,  p.  19.) 
Much  has  been  written  concerning 
its  extent.  It  is  now  well  known 
that  the  Indians  were  not  in  the  habit 
of  giving  names  to  large  districts,  and 
we  may  be  quite  sure  that  this  name 
was  never  applied  by  them  to  the  ex- 
tensive territory  depicted  on  old  maps, 
the  bounds  of  which  are  so  indefinite, 
and  that  if  the  word  is  of  Indian 
origin,  it  had  only  a  local  appli- 
cation. Presenting  itself  in  cartology 
in  1629  as  Aranbega,  it  assumes  from 
time  to  time  a  variety  of  forms  too 
puzzling  to  afford  elements  from 
which  the  etymologist  can  construct 


THE  EPISTLE  DEDICATORIE. 


83 


and  Gouerning  of  all  the  said  Terretories,  wherein  wee 
haue  ben  diligent  to  the  vttermost  of  our  powers,  as  we 

shall 


a  satisfactory  theory.  (Vide  the  map 
of  Hieronimus  Verrazano,  1529,  also 
for  various  particulars  respecting  it, 
DeCosta's  Northmen  in  Maine,  p  44. 
Collections  of  the  Maine  Historical 
Society,  Vol.  VIII,  p.  315.  The  Mag- 
azine of  American  History  for  May, 
1881,  p.  392.  Sewairs  Ancient  Do- 
minions of  Maine,  p.  31.) 

38.  Captain  Francis  West,  whose 
brief  connection  with  the  early  polit- 
ical history  of  New  England  deserves 
a  passing  mention,  was  the  fourth  son 
of  Sir  Thomas  and  Lady  Anne  (Knol- 
lys)  West,  and  was  born  28  October, 
1586,  at  Buckhurst,  Withyecombe, 
Sussex.  ("  Bennett  lloll "  Magazine  of 
American  History,  ix,  18,  46.)  His 
father,  the  second  Lord  De  La  Warr, 
was  himself  one  of  the  illustrious 
members  of  that  familv,  related  to 
the  Royal  Houses  of  England,  France, 
Scotland  and  Normandy,  and  which 
gained  a  merited  prominence  in  the 
early  colonization  of  America,  be- 
queathing its  name  to  one  of  our 
sovereign  states.  Captain  Francis  was 
"an  ancient  planter"  of  Virginia, 
emigrating  thither  in  1008,  (Colonial 
State  Papers,  ii,  15)  and  as  early  as 
1610,  was  a  local  magistrate,  govern- 
ing "at  the  Falles."  (True  Declar- 
ation of  Virginia,  1610.)  He  held  for 
many  years  a  membership  in  the  Pro- 
vincial Council,  being  one  of  the  sub- 

11 


scribers  to  the  stock  of  the  Virginia 
Company,  (Declaration  of  the  State 
of  Virginia,  1620).  In  1623  he  was 
commissioned  Admiral  of  New  Eng- 
land as  is  shown  by  this  entry  in  the 
Records  of  the  Council  for  New  Eng- 
land, p.  21.  "  It  is  agreed  on  that 
there  shall  bee  a  Commission  granted 
to  Capt.  Francis  West  to  goe  to  New 
England,  Capt.  of  the  Shippe  called 
ye  planta^on,  and  Admirall  for  that 
Coast  dureing  this  Voyage,  And  this 
Clause  to  be  insirted  in  his  Com.  that 
bee  bath  power  to  take  any  to  Asso- 
ciate him  there  for  the  dispatch  of 
his  ImploymtB,  according  as  bee  shall 
think  meete.  And  that  a  pattent  bee 
granted  to  Capt  Thomas  Squibb,  to 
be  ayding  and  Assisting  to  the  Admi- 
rall. 

Sr.  Fer<i.  Gorges  is  desired  to  draw 
upp  Capt.  West's  Instructions." 

Shortly  after  his  voyage  to  New 
England  he  returned  to  Virginia, 
where  he  resumed  his  connection 
with  the  political  affairs  of  the  prov- 
ince. Upon  the  death  of  Sir  George 
Yardley,  Governor  of  Virginia,  No- 
vember, 1627,  he  was  chosen  by  his  as- 
sociates to  fill  the  vacancy,  in  the 
absence  of  Sir  John  Harvey,  who 
was  named  in  Yardley's  commission 
as  his  eventual  successor.  (Bancroft, 
United  States,  (1876,)  i,  152,  comp. 
Burk,  Virginia,    Ii.    22,    23.)     This 


84 


THE  EPISTLE  DEDICATORIE. 


shall  be  ready  to  render  an  account  vnto  your  Honors, 
when  you  shall  be  pleased  to  require  vs  thereunto.  In 
the  meane  time,  I  thought  it  my  dutie  to  present  vnto 
your  viewes,  such  obseruation  as  I  haue  taken,  both  of  the 
Countrey  and  People,  Commodities  &  Discommodities : 
as  also,  what  places  ate  fit  to  settle  Plantations  in,  in 
which  not,  what  courses  are  fit  in  my  vnderstanding  to 
bee  taken,  for  bringing  Glory  to  God,  Hounour  to  our 
King  &  Nation,  good  vnto  the  Commonwealth,  &  profit 
to  all  Aduenturers  and  Planters :  which  I  humbly  beseech 
your  Lordships  to  accept  of,  as  the  best  fruits  of  a  shal- 
low 


office  he  retained  for  nearly  two  years 
till  Harvey  arrived,  when  he  probably 
returned  to  England  and  became  a 
privateersman,  bringing  captured 
ships  into  English  ports  as  prizes 
during  the  next  two  years,  upon 
letters  of  marque.  (Domestic  Calen- 
der, (Charles  1)  1627, 1628,  287,  1629, 
1631,  726.)  On  the  29  May.  1630,  he  is 
spoken  of  as  "now  in  England." 
(Colonial  State  Papers,  v,  93.) 

In  the  quarrel  between  Harvey  and 
the  Councillors  he  took  part  against 
the  Governor,  but  signed  the  treaty 
of  peace,  20  December,  1631,  between 
the  factions.  He  last  appears  on 
record  at  a  meeting  of  the  Council  of 
Virginia  in  February,  1633.  There  is 
a  family  tradition  that  he  met  his 
death  by  drowning. 


39.  William  Bradford,  the  second 
governor  of  the  Plymouth  Colony, 
whose  record  of  the  affair  is  as  fol- 
lows :  {Vide  History  of  Plymouth 
Plantation,  by  William  Bradford, 
Boston,  1866,  p.  141.)  "About  ye 
later  end  of  June  came  in  a  ship,  with 
Captaine  Francis  West,  who  bad  a 
commission  to  be  admirall  of  New 
England,  to  restraine  interlopers,  and 
such  fishing  ships  as  came  to  fish  & 
trade  without  a  license  from  ye  Coun- 
sell  of  New  England,  for  which  they 
should  pay  a  round  sume  of  money. 
But  he  could  doe  no  good  of  them, 
for  they  were  too  stronge  for  him, 
and  he  found  ye  fisher  men  to  be 
stubeme  fellows." 


THE  EPISTLE  DEDICATORIE.  85 

low  capasitie :  so  shall  I  thinke  my  time  and  charge  well 
imploied,  which  I  haue  spent  in  these  affaires. 

I  haue  omitted  many  things  in  this  my  discourse, 
which  I  conceiued  to  be  Impertinent  at  this  time  for  me 
to  relate,  as  of  the  time  of  my  being  at  Sea,  of  the  strange 
Fish  which  wee  there  saw,  some  with  wings  flying  aboue 
the  water,  others  with  manes,  eares,  and  heads,  and 
chasing  one  another  with  open  mouths  like  stone  Horses 
in  a  parke,  as  also  of  the  steering  of  our  Course,  the  ob- 
seruation  of  the  Sunne  and  Starres,  by  which  the  eleua- 
tion  of  the  Pole  is  found,  the  degrees  of  latitude  knowen, 
which  shews  how  far  a  ship  is  out  of  his  due  course, 
either  to  the  North  or  South ;  likewise  of  the  making  of 
the  land  at  our  arriuall  vpon  the  choast  of  New  England 
how  it  did  arise  and  appeare  vnto  vs ;  how  every  Har- 
bour beares  one  from  another  vpon  the  point  of  the 
Compas :  and  what  Rockes  and  dangers  are  in  the  way : 
how  many  fathom  water  is  found  by  sounding  at  the 
entrance  of  euery  Harbour :  and  from  how  many  of  the 
seuerall  winds  all  the  Harbours  are  land-locked.  But  by 
this  meanes  I  thought  I  should  not  only  be  tedious,  but 
also  be  in  danger  of  losing  myselfe,  for  want  of  fit  phraises 
and  sound  iudgment,  in  the  Arts  of  the  Mathematickes 
and  Nauigation,  (being  but  a  young  Scholler  though  an 

ancient 


86 


THE  EPISTLE  DEDICATORIE. 


ancient  trauiler  by  sea,)  and  therefore  thought  better  to  ■ 
omit  those,  then  anything  I  haue  relate. 

Thus  beseeching  God  to  blesse  your  Honors,  I  rest 
at  your  Lordshippes  seruice. 

CHISTOPHER  LEVETT. 


.  .  .  THE  CONTENTS  .  .  . 


^^ 


CHAP.  I. 


Containes  my  discoaery  of  diuers  Riuers  and  Harbours  with  their  names  and 
which  are  fit  for  Plantations  and  which  not. 

CHAP.  II. 

Sheweth  how  the  Sauages  carried  them  seines  vnto  me  continually,  and  of  my 
going  to  their  Kings  howses :  and  their  coming  to  mine. 

CHAP.  III. 

Sheweth  the  nature  and  disposition  of  the  Sauages,  and  of  their  seuerall  Gods, 
Squanto  and  Tanto. 

CHAP.  IV. 

Containes  a  description  of  the  Countrey,  with  the  commodities  and  discom- 
modities. 

CHAP.  V. 

Certaine  objections  and  answers,  with  sufficient  proofes  how  it  may  be  exceed- 
ing profitable  to  the  common  wealth,  and  all  Planters  and  Aduenturers. 

CHAP.  VI. 

Sheweth  how  by  aduenturing  of  100  pounds  more  or  lesse,  a  man  may  profit  so 
much  euery  yeare  for  20  yeares,  or  more  without  any  more  charge  than  at  the 
first. 

CHAP.  VII. 

Sheweth  how  euery  Parrish  may  be  freed  of  their  weekely  payments  to  the 
poore,  by  the  profits  which  may  be  fetched  thence.  With  certaine  objections 
against  the  things  contained  in  this  and  the  former  Chapter:  with  answers 
there  vnto. 

CHAP.  vm. 

Containes  certaine  directions  for  all  priuate  persons  that  intends  to  goe  into 
New  England  to  plant. 


A  VOYAGE  INTO  NEW  ENGLAND. 


CHAP.  I. 


Containes  my  discouery  of  diverse  Riuers  and  Harbours, 

with  their  names,  and  which  are  Jit  for 

Plantations,  and  which  not. 

IhE  first  place  I  set  my  foote  vpon  in  New  Eng- 
land, was  the  Isles  of  Shoulds,*"  being  Hands 
in  the  Sea,  about  two  Leagues  from  the  Mayne. 
Vpon  these  Hands,  I  neither  could  see  one  good  timber 
tree,  nor  so  much  good  ground  as  to  make  a  garden. 

The 


40.  These  islands  were  first  de- 
scribed b;  Champiain  in  1005,  who 
called  them  "isles  asset  hauUs" 
Nine  years  later  Capt.  John  Smith 
bestowed  upon  them  his  own  name. 
They  were  called  Smith's  Isles  for 
several  years,  when  shortly  before 
l>evelt'B  visit  we  Hnd  them  called  the 
"  Hands  of  Sholes."  Who  flrst  be- 
stowed upon  them  this  name,  which 
they  sijll  retain,  is  unknown.    They 


are  bare  masses  of  ragged,  granite 
rock,  thickly  strewn  with  boulders ; 
destitute  of  trees  but  clothed  in  places 
with  straggling  bushes,  which  cling 
tenaciously  to  crevicea  in  the  flinty 
rock.  They  lie  about  six  miles  from 
the  shores  of  New  Hampshire  and 
are  much  frequented  by  summer  tour- 
ists, with  whom  they  are  deservedly 
popular. 


90     A  VOYAGE  INTO  NEW  ENGLAND. 


The  place  is  found  to  be  a  good  fishing  place  for  6 
Shippes,  but  more  cannot  well  be  there  for  want  of 
convenient  stage-roome,  as  this  yeare's  experience  hath 
proved. 

The  Harbor  is  but  indifferent  good.  Vpon  these 
Hands  are  no  Savages  at  all. 

The  next  place  I  came  vnto  was  Pannawayy^^  where 
one  M.  Tomsmi^*  hath  made  a  Plantation,  there  1  stayed 
about  one  Moneth  in  which  time  I  sent  for  my  men 
from  the  East :  who  came  over  in  diverse  Shipps. 

At  this  place  I  met  with  the  Governour/^  who  came 

thither 


41.  Odiorne's  Point,  near  the  mouth 
of  the  Piscataqua. 

42.  David  Thompson,  a  Scotch- 
man, was  the  agent  for  Sir  Ferdi- 
nando  Gorges  and  John  Mason.  He 
had  established  himself  on  the  south- 
erly bank  of  the  mouth  of  the  Piscat- 
aqua, at  a  place  called  by  the  Indians 
Pannaway,  shortly  before  Levett's  ar- 
rival in  the  country.  He  remained 
at  this  place  but  two  years,  when  he 
removed  to  an  island  in  Boston  Har- 
bor which  still  preserves  his  name, 
where  he  died  three  years  later,  leav- 
ing a  wife  and  one  child. 

In  the  Trelawny  Papers  is  an  in- 
teresting letter  signed  by  Aniias 
Maverick,  wife  of  Samuel  Maverick. 
This  letter,  probably  the  only  one  of 
the  writer's  in  existence,  revealed  for 
the  first  time  the  Christian  name  of 


Maverick's  wife,  which  otherwise 
might  never  have  been  known,  and 
now  Frank  W.  Hackett,  Esq.,  has 
made  the  further  discovery,  that 
Amias  Maverick  was  the  widow  of 
David  Thompson,  to  whom  she  was 
married  at  Plymouth,  England,  on 
July  13th,  1613,  anu  that  her  family 
name  was  Cole.  For  a  particular 
account  of  Thompson,  vide  Proceed- 
ings of  the  Massachusetts  Historical 
Society  for  1876,  pp.  36a-381.  Ibid 
for  1878,  p.  214.  Records  of  Massa- 
chusetts, by  Nathaniel  B.  ShurtleCf, 
M.  D.,  Vol.  Ill,  p.  129  et  seq.  Chron- 
icles of  the  Pilgrims,  Alexander 
Young,  Boston,  1854,  p.  350  et  seq. 
Annals  of  Portsmouth,  by  Nathaniel 
Adams,  Portsmouth,  1825,  p.  10. 
43.    Gov.  Robert  Gorges. 


A  VOYAGE  INTO  NEW  ENGLAND.     91 


thither  in  a  Barke  which  he  had  from  one  M.  Westo7t^^ 
about  20  dayes  before  I  arived  in  the  Land. 

The  Governour  then  told  me  that  I  was  joyned  with 
him  in  Commission  as  a  Counseller,  which  being  read  I 
found  it  was  so.  And  he  then,  in  the  presence  of  three 
more  of  the  Counsell,  administered  unto  me  an  oath. 

After  the  meeting  of  my  men,  I  went  a  coasting  in 
two  boats  with  all  my  company. 

In  the  time  I  stayd  with  M.  Tomson,  I  surveyed  as 
much  as  possible  I  could,  the  wether  being  vnseasonable, 
and  very  much  snow. 

In  those  parts  I  saw  much  good  Timber.  But  the 
ground  it  seemed  to  me  not  to  be  good,  being  very  rockey 
and  full  of  trees  and  brushwood. 

There  is  great  store  of  fowle  of  diverse  sorts,  wherof 
I  fed  very  plentifully. 

About  two  English  miles  further  to  the  East,  I  found 

a  great 


44.  Thomas  Weston  was  a  Lon- 
don merchant,  one  of  those  by  whose 
aid  the  Pilgrims  had  been  enabled  to 
emigrate  to  America.  The  year 
before  Levett's  arrival  he  had  under- 
t'lken  to  plant  a  colony  at  Wessa- 
gussett,  now  known  as  Weymouth, 
but  his  project  had  miscarried,  and 
he  had  suffered  considerable  hard- 
ships. He  had  been  engaged  in  fish- 
ing and  trade  along  the  coast  with- 
out the  consent  of  the  Council,  and 
upon  the  arrival  of  the  Governor, 

12 


Robert  Gorges,  who  found  his  vessel 
in  the  harbor  of  Plymouth,  had  been 
called  to  account  by  him.  Governor 
Bradford,  however,  acted  as  a  peace- 
maker and  Weston  escaped  the  pen- 
alty of  an  "interloper."  After  an 
eventful  career  his  end  Is  thus  re- 
corded: "He  dyed  afterwards  at 
Bristoll,  in  ye  time  of  the  warrs,  of  ye 
sickness  in  yt  place."  Vide  History 
of  Plymouth  Plantation,  by  William 
Bradford,  Boston,  1856,  note  p.  164. 


92     A  VOYAGE  INTO  NEW  ENGLAND. 


a  great  River  and  a  good  harbour  called  Pascattaway.^^ 

But  for  the  ground  I  can  say  nothing,  but  by  the  relation 

of  the  Sagamore  or  King  of  that  place,  who  told  me 

there  was  much  good  ground  up  in  the  river  about  seven 

or  eight  leagues. 

About  two  leagues,  further  to  the  East  is  another 

great  river  called  Aquamenticus^^      There   I  think   a 

good   plantation  may   be  settled,  for  there  is  a  good 

harbour  for  ships,   good    ground,   and    much   already 

cleared,  fit  for  planting  of  corne  and  other  fruits,  having 

heretofore  ben  planted  by  the  Salvages  who  are  all  dead. 

There  is  good  timber,  and  likely  to  be  good  fishing,  but 

as  yet  there  hath  beene  no  tryall  made  that  I  can  heare 

of. 

About 


45.  The  site  of  the  present  city  of 
Portsmouth,  New  Hampshire.  The 
name  here  given  is  doubtless  an  ap- 
proximation to  the  sound  of  the  In- 
dian name  of  the  place  as  it  appeared 
to  the  English.  To  the  French  it 
was  Pesmokanti.  Etymology,  which 
is  so  often  pressed  into  the  service  of 
theorists  with  amusing  results,  has 
been  exercised  upon  this  word,  and 
one  author  assumes  that  it  signifies 
TighJt  angles,  while  another  thinks 
that  it  means  the  great  deer-place. 
In  the  Trelawny  Papers,  this,  it  is 
suggested,  is  the  more  probable 
meaning,  but  a  longer  study  of 
Abnaki  place  names  has  tended  to 


unsettle  confidence  in  this  meaning, 
as  in  many  others,  confidently  as- 
sumed to  be  correct  by  writers,  none 
of  whom  possessed  more  than  a  frag- 
mentary knowledge  of  the  Abnaki 
tongue,  an  intimate  knowledge  of 
which  is  not  even  sufficient  to  ensure 
accurate  etymological  results. 

46.  Agamenticus,  we  are  confi- 
dently told,  signifies  snow-shoe  river, 
from  the  shape  of  the  pond  forming 
its  source.  The  place  was  selected 
subsequently  by  Sir  Ferdlnando  Gor- 
ges as  the  seat  of  his  airy  govern- 
ment, and  named  Gorgeana.  It  is 
now  known  as  York. 


A  VOYAGE  INTO  NEW  ENGLAND.     93 

About  6  leagues  further  to  the  East  is  a  harbour 
called  Cape  Porpas,^^  the  which  is  indifferent  good  for 
6  shippes,  and  it  is  generally  thought  to  be  an  excellent 
place  for  fish,  but  as  yet  there  hath  been  no  tryall  made, 
but  there  may  be  a  good  plantation  seated,  for  there  is 
good  Timber  and  good  ground,  but  will  require  some 
labour  and  charge. 

About  foure  leagues  further  East,  there  is  another  har- 
bour called  Sawco^^  (betweene  this  place  and  Cape  Porpas 
I  lost  one  of  my  men)  before  we  could  recover  the  har- 
bour a  great  fog  or  mist  tooke  us  that  we  could  not  see 
a  hundred  yards  from  us.  I  perceiving  the  fog  to  come 
upon  the  Sea,  called  for  a  Compasse  and  set  the  Cape 
land,  by  which  wee  knew  how  to  steare  our  course, 
which  was  no  sooner  done  but  wee  lost  sight  of  land, 
and  my  other  boate,  and  the  winde  blew  fresh  against 
us,  sa  that  we  were  enforced  to  strike  saile  and  betake 


47.  This  is  still  as  Levett  found  it, 
"an  excellent  place  for  fish,"  and 
there  has  been  "  a  good  plantation 
seated  "  there.  The  name,  however, 
is  not  now  applied  to  so  extensive  an 
area  of  territory  as  it  was  in  early 
times. 

48.  It  is  hard  to  determine  just 
the  locality  which  Levett  denom- 
inates Saco ;  but  his  description  com- 
prises Fletchers'  Neck  and  Bidde- 
ford  Fool,  as  well  as  the   islands, 


us 

Wood,  Negro,  Ram,  Eagle,  Stage  and 
Basket.  The  difficulties  which  lie 
in  the  way  of  etymologists,  who 
would  adduce  meanings  from  the 
sounds  of  Abnaki  words  as  preserved 
by  early  writers,  are  well  illustrated 
in  this  word,  which  appeared  to  dif- 
ferent ears  to  be  Sowocatack,  Choiia- 
coet,  Sawaguatock,  and  to  Levett 
Sawco,  which  last  sound  is  preserved 
in  the  modern  Saco. 


94     A  VOYAGE  INTO  NEW  ENGLAND. 

us  to  our  Oares  which  wee  used  with  all  the  wit  and 
strength  we  had,  but  by  no  meanes  could  we  recover  the 
shore  that  night,  being  imbayed  and  compassed  round 
with  breaches,  which  roared  in  a  most  fearful!  manner 
on  every  side  us ;  wee  took  counsell  in  this  extremity 
one  of  another  what  to  doe  to  save  our  lives,  at  length 
we  resolved  that  to  put  to  sea  againe  in  the  night  was 
no  fit  course,  the  storme  being  great,  and  the  winde 
blowing  right  of  the  shore,  and  to  runne  our  boate  on 
the  shore  amongst  the  breaches,  (which  roared  in  a 
most  fearefull  manner)  and  cast  her  away  and  indanger 
ourselves  we  were  loath  to  do,  seeing  no  land  nor 
knowing  where  we  were.  At  length  I  caused  our  Killick 
(which  was  all  the  Anker  we  had)  to  be  cast  forth,  and 
one  continually  to  hold  his  hand  upon  the  roode  or 
cable,  by  which  we  knew  whether  our  ancker  held  or 
no :  which  being  done  wee  commended  our  selues  to  God 
by  prayer,  &  put  on  a  resolution  to  be  as  comfortable  as 
we  could,  and  so  fell  to  our  victuals.  Thus  we  spent 
that  night,  and  the  next  morning,  with  much  adoe  we 
got  into  Sawco,  where  I  found  my  other  boate.^^ 

There  I  stayed  fiue  nights,  the  winde  beinge  con- 
trary. 


49.  This  river,  the  Saco,  rises 
in  the  White  Mountains,  which 
are  distinctly  seen  by  mariners  as 
they  approach  the  coast.  In  the 
locality  where  Levett  camped,  one 


can  still  find  the  long  grass  in  suffi- 
cient quantity  to  furnish  all  the  kings 
of  Christendom  with  a  bed  as  luxu- 
rious as  the  explorers  enjoyed. 


\ 


A  VOYAGE  INTO  NEW  ENGLAND.     95 

trary,  and  the-  weather  very  unseasonable,  hauing  much 
raine  and  snow,  and  continuall  foggse. 

We  built  us  our  Wigwam,  or  house,  in  one  houres 
space,  it  had  no  frame,  but  was  without  forme  or  fashion, 
onely  a  few  poles  set  up  together,  and  couered  with  our 
boates  sailes  which  kept  forth  but  a  little  winde,  and  lesse 
raigne  and  snow. 

Our  greatest  comfort  we  had,  next  unto  that  which 
was  spirituall,  was  this  we  had  foule  enough  for  killing, 
wood  enough  for  felling,  and  good  fresh  water  enough 
for  drinking. 

But  our  beds  was  the  wet  ground,  and  our  bedding 
our  wet  deaths.  Wee  had  plenty  of  Craine,  Goose, 
Duckes  and  Mallard,  with  other  fowle,  both  boyled  and 
rosted,  but  our  spits  and  racks  were  many  times  in  danger 
of  burning  before  the  meate  was  ready  (being  but  wooden 
ones.) 

After  I  had  stayed  there  three  daies,  and  no  likelyhood 
of  a  good  winde  to  carrie  vs  further,  I  tooke  with  me  six 
of  my  men,  and  our  Armes,  and  walked  along  the  shore, 
to  discouer  as  much  by  land  as  I  could:  after  I  had 
travelled  about  two  English  miles  I  met  with  a  riuer 
which  stayed  me  that  I  could  goe  no  further  by  land 
that  day,  but  returned  to  our  place  of  habitation  where 
we  rested  that  night  (hauing  our  lodging  amended)  for 

the 


96     A  VOYAGE  INTO  NEW  ENGLAND. 

the  day  being  dry  I  caused  all  my  company  to  accom- 
pany mee  to  a  marsh  ground,  where  wee  gathered  euery 
man  his  burthen  of  long  dry  grasse,  which  being  spread 
in  our  Wigwam  or  House,  I  praise  God  I  rested  as  con- 
tentedly as  euer  I  did  in  all  my  life.  And  then  came 
into  my  minde  an  old  merry  saying,  which  I  haue  heard 
of  a  begger  boy,  who  said  if  euer  he  should  attaine  to  be 
a  King,  he  would  haue  a  breast  of  mutton  with  a  pud- 
ding in  it,  and  lodge  euery  night  vp  to  the  eares  in  drye 
straw;  and  thus  I  made  myselfe  and  my  company  as 
merry  as  I  could,  with  this  and  some  other  conceits, 
making  this  vse  of  all,  that  it  was  much  better  then  wee 
deserued  at  Gods  hands,  if  he  should  deale  with  vs 
according  to  our  sinnes. 

The  next  morning  I  caused  4  of  my  men  to  rowe  my 
lesser  boate  to  this  riuer,  who  with  much  adoe  got  in 
myselfe,  and  3  more  going  by  land  :  but  by  reason  of  the 
extremitie  of  the  wether  we  were  enforced  to  stay  there 
that  night,  and  were  constrained  to  sleepe  vpon  the 
riuer  banke,  being  the  best  place  wee  could  finde,  the 
snowe  being  very  deepe. 

The  next  morning  wee  were  enforced  to  rise  betime, 
for  the  tyde  came  vp  so  high  that  it  washed  away  our 
fire,  and  would  haue  serued  vs  so  too  if  we  had  not  kept 
watch :   So  wee  went  over  the  riuer  in  our  boate,  where 

I  caused 


A  VOYAGE  INTO  NEW  ENGLAND.      97 

I  caused  some  to  stay  with  her,  myselfe  being  desirous 
to  discouer  further  by  land,  I  tooke  with  me  foure  men 
and  walked  along  the  shore  about  sixe  English  miles 
further  to  the  East,  where  I  found  another  riuer,  which 
staied  mee.  So  we  returned  backe  to  Sawco,  where  the 
rest  of  my  company  and  my  other  boate  lay.  That 
night  I  was  exceeding  sicke,  by  reason  of  the  wet  and 
cold  and  much  toyling  of  my  body  :  but  thankes  be  to 
God  I  was  indifferent  well  the  next  morning,  and  the 
winde  being  faire  we  put  to  sea,  and  that  day  came  to 
Quack, 

But  before  I  speak  of  this  place  I  must  say  some- 
thing of  SawcOy  and  the  too  riuers  which  I  discouered  in 
that  bay,  which  I  thinke  neuer  Englishman  saw  before. 

Sawco  is  about  one  league  to  the  North-east  of  a 
cape  land.  And  about  one  English  mile  from  the  maine 
lieth  sixe  Hands,  which  make  an  indifferent  good  har- 
bour. And  in  the  maine  there  is  a  Coue  or  gutt,  which 
is  about  a  cables  length  in  bredth,  and  too  cables  length 
long,  there  two  good  Ships  may  ride,  being  well  mored 
a  head  and  starne ;  and  within  the  Coue  there  is  a  great 
Marsh,  where  at  a  high  water  a  hundredth  sayle  of  Ships 
may  floate,  and  be  free  from  all  winds,  but  at' low  water 
must  ly  a  ground,  but  being  soft  oase  they  can  take  no 
hurte. 

In 


98     A  VOYAGE  INTO  NEW  ENGLAND. 

In  this  place  there  is  a  world  of  fowle,  much  good 
timber,  and  a  great  quantetie  of  cleare  ground  and  good, 
if  it  be  not  a  little  too  sandy.  There  hath  beene  more 
fish  taken  within  too  leagues  of  this  place  this  yeare 
then  in  any  other  in  the  land. 

The  riuer  next  to  Sawco  eastwards,  which  I  dis- 
covered by  land,  and  after  brought  my  boat  into,  is  the 
strangest  river  that  ever  my  eyes  beheld.  It  flowes  at 
the  least  ten  foot  water  upright,  and  yet  the  ebbe  runs 
so  strong  that  the  tyde  doth  not  stem  it.  At  three 
quarters  floud  my  men  were  scarce  able  with  foure  Oares 
to  rowe  ahead.  And  more  then  that,  at  full  Sea  I  dipped 
my  hand  in  the  water,  quite  without  the  mouth  of 
the  River,  in  the  very  main  Ocean,  and  it  was  as  fresh 
as  though  it  had  been  taken  from  the  head  of  a  Spring. 
This  River,  as  I  am  told  by  the  Salvages^  commeth 
from  a  great  mountaine  called  the  Christall  hill,  being  as 
they  say  loo  miles  in  the  Country,  yet  is  it  to  be  seene  at 
the  sea  side,  and  there  is  no  ship  ariues  in  New  England^ 
either  to  the  West  so  farre  as  Cape  Cod,  or  to  the  East 
so  farre  as  Monkiggen,  but  they  see  this  Mountaine  the 
first  land,  if  the  weather  be  cleere. 

The  next  river  Eastward  which  I  discovered  by  land, 
is  about  sixe  miles  from  the  other.  About  these  two 
riuers  I  saw  much  good  timber  and  sandy  ground,  there 

is 


A  VOYAGE  INTO  NEW  ENGLAND.     99 

is  also  much  fowle,  fish  and  other  commodities:  but 
these  places  are  not  fit  for  plantation  for  the  present, 
because  there  is  no  good  comming  in,  either  for  ship,  or 
boate,  by  reason  of  a  sandy  breach  which  lyeth  alongst  the 
shore,  and  makes  all  one  breach.^° 

And  now  in  its  place  I  come  to  Quack,^^  which  I  haue 
named  Yorke.  At  this  place  there  fished  divers  ships 
of  Waymouth  this  yeare. 

It  lyeth  about  two  leagues  to  the  East  of  Cape  Eliza- 
beth, It  is  a  Bay  or  Sound  betwixt  the  Maine  and 
certaine  Hands  which  lyeth  in  the  sea  about  one  English 
mile  and  halfe. 

There  are  foure  Hands  which  makes  one  good  harbour, 
there  is  very  good  fishing,  much  fowle  and  the  mayne  as 
good  ground  as  any  can  desire.  There  I  fotid  one 
River  wherein  the  Savages  say  there  is  much  Salmon 
and  other  good  fish.  In  this  Bay,  there  hath  ben  taken 
this  yeare  4.  Sturgions,  by  fishermen  who  driue  only  for 
Herrings,  so  that  it  is  likely  there  may  be  good  store 
taken  if  there  were  men  fit  for  that  purpose.     This  River 

I  made 


50.  This  answers  the  description 
of  the  Spur  wink,  where  Cleeve  and 
Tucker  subsequently  settled. 

61.  Exactly  what  territory  is  com- 
prised under  this  title,  it  is  impossible 
to  define  *  but  there  can  be  no  doubt 
as  to  the  main  features  of  the  territory 

13 


described.  The  islands  are  certainly 
Cushings,  Peaks',  Diamond  and 
House;  and  the  harbor,  Portland. 
Levett's  patent  of  six  thousand  acres 
must,  besides  these  islands,  have  em- 
braced a  large  area  of  territory  on  the 
main  land. 


loo   A  VOYAGE  INTO  NEW  ENGLAND. 

I  made  bold  to  call  by  my  owne  uame  Levetts  river,^* 
being  the  first  that  discovered  it.  How  farre  this  river  is 
Navigable  I  cannot  tell,  I  haue  ben  but  6.  miles  up  it,  but 
on  both  sides  is  goodly  ground. 

In  the  same  Bay  I  found  another  River,  up  which  I 
went  about  three  miles,  and  found  a  great  fall,  of  water 
much  bigger  than  the  fall  at  Londmt  bridge,  at  low  water ; 
further  a  boate  cannot  goe,  but  above  the  fall  the  River 
runnes  smooth  againe." 

lust  at  this  fall  of  water  the  Sagamore  or  King  of 
that  place  hath  a  house,  where  I  was  one  day  when  there 
were  two  Sagamors  more,  their  wiues  and  children,  in  all 
about  50.  and  we  were  but  7.  They  bid  me  welcome  and 
gaue  me  such  victualls  as  they  had,  and  I  gaue  them 
Tobacco  and  Aqua  vitae. 

After  I  had  spent  a  little  time  with  them  I  departed 
&  gaue  them  a  small  shot,  and  they  gaue  me  another. 
And  the  great  Sagamore  of  the  East  country,  whom  the 
rest  doe  acknowledge  to  be  chiefe  amongst  them,  hee 
gaue  unto  me  a  Bevers  skin,  which  I  thankfully  received, 
and  so  in  great  loue  we  parted.  On  both  sides  this  river 
there  is  goodly  ground. 

From 

62.    This  river  is  known  as  Fore  Levett,  its  present  one  being  almost 

Biver,  but  the  salmon,  which  glanced  meaningless. 

through  its  waters  are  but  reminis-  53.    This  is  certainly  the  Presump- 

cences  of  an  idyllic  past.    It  would  scot,  whose  rocky  fall  still  presents 

be  well  to  restore  to  it  the  name  of  an  impassable  barrier  to  navigation. 


A  VOYAGE  INTO  NEW  ENGLAND.  loi 

From  this  harbour  to  Sagadahock,  which  is  about  8.  or 
9.  leagues,  is  all  broken  Hands  in  the  Sea,  which  makes 
many  excellent  good  Harbours,  where  a  thousand  saile 
of  Shipps  may  ride  in  safety ;  the  sound  going  up  within 
the  Hands  to  the  Cape  of  Sagadahock. 

In  the  way  betwixt  Yorke  and  Sagadahock  lyeth 
Cascoe^^  a  good  harbour,  good  fishing,  good  ground,  and 
muchfowle.  And  I  am  perswaded  that  from  Cape  Eliz- 
abeth to  Sagadahock^  which  is  aboue  30  leagues  to  follow 
the  Maine,  is  all  exceeding  commodious  for  Plantations : 
and  that  there  may  be  20  good  Townes  well  seated,  to 
take  the  benefit  both  of  the  sea,  and  fresh  Rivers. 

For  Sagadahock  I  need  say  nothing  of  it,  there  hath 
been  heeretofore  enough  said  by  others,  and  I  feare  me 
too  much.  But  the  place  is  good,  there  fished  this  yeare 
two  ships. 

The  next  place  I  came  to  was  Capemanwagan^^  a 
place  where  nine  ships  fished  this  yeare.  But  I  like  it 
not  for  a  plantation,  for  I  could  see  little  good  timber  & 
lesse  good  ground,  there  I  staid  foure  nights,  in  which 
time,  there  came  many  Savages  with  their  wiues  and 

children. 


54.  The  region  here  alluded  to  is 
still  denominated  Casco  Bay.  Lev- 
ett  probably  applies  the  name  Casco 
to  that  portion  of  the  bay  embraced 
by  the  shores  of  Cumberland  and 
North  Yarmouth. 


55.  This  place  is  frequently  men- 
tioned by  early  writers,  but  the  name 
has  disappeared  from  the  region  to 
which  it  was  applied.  The  town  of 
Booth  bay  embraces  a  portion  of  the 
region,  and  probably  Southport. 


I02    A  VOYAGE  INTO  NEW  ENGLAND. 

children,  and  some  of  good  accompt  amongst  them,  as 
Meiiawormet  a  Sagamore,  Cogawesco  the  Sagamore  of 
Casco  and  Quack,  now  called  Yorke,  Somerset,  a  Saga- 
more,  one  that  hath  ben  found  very  faithfuU  to  the  Eng- 
lish, and  hath  saved  the  Hues  of  many,  of  our  Nation, 
some  from  starving,  others  from*  killing. 

They  entended  to  haue  ben  gone  presently,  but  hear- 
ing of  my  being  there,  they  desired  to  see  me,  which  I 
understood  by  one  of  the  Masters  of  the  Ships,  who 
likewise  told  me  that  they  had  some  store  of  Beauer 
coats  and  skinnes,  and  was  going  to  Pemaquid  to  truck 
with  one  Mr.  Withcridge,  a  Master  of  a  ship  of  Bastable, 
and  desired  me  to  use  meanes  that  they  should  not 
carry  the  out  of  the  harbour,  I  wisht  them  to  bring 
all  their  truck  to  one  Mr.  Cokes  stage,  &  I  would  do  the 
best  I  could  to  put  it  away :  some  of  them  did  accord- 
ingly, and  I  then  sent  for  the  Sagamores,  who  came,  and 
after  some  complements  they  told  me  I  must  be  their 
cozen,  and  that  Captaine  Gorges  was  so,  (which  you  may 
imagine  I  was  not  a  little  proud  of,  to  be  adopted  cozen 
to  so  many  great  Kings  at  one  instant,,  but  did  willingly 
accept  of  it)  and  so  passing  away  a  little  time  very  pleas- 
antly, they  desired  to  be  gone,  whereupon  I  told  them 
that  I  understood  they  had  some  coates  and  Beauers 
skins  which  I  desired  to  truck  for  but  they  were  un- 
willing. 


A  VOYAGE  INTO  NEW  ENGLAND.    103 

willing,  and  I  seemed  carelesse  of  it  (as  men  must  doe 
if  they  desire  any  thing  of  them.)  But  at  last  Somerset 
swore  that  there  should  be  none  carryed  out  of  the  har- 
bour, but  his  cozen  Levett  should  haue  all,  and  then  they 
began  to  offer  me  some  by  way  of  gift,  but  I  would  take 
none  but  one  paire  of  sleeues  from  Cogawesco,  but  told 
them  it  was  not  the  fashion  of  English  Captaines  alwaies 
to  be  taking,  but  sometimes  to  take  and  giue,  and  contin- 
ually to  truck  was  very  good.  But  in  fine,  we  had  all 
except  one  coate  and  two  skinnes,  which  they  reserved 
to  pay  an  old  debt  with,  but  they  staying  all  that  night, 
had  them  stole  from  them. 

In  the  morning  the  Sagamores  came  to  mee  with  a 
grieuous  complaint,  I  vsed  the  best  language  I  could  to 
giue  them  content,  and  went  with  them  to  some  Stages 
which  they  most  suspected,  and  searched  both  Cabins 
and  Chests,  but  found  none.  They  seeing  my  willing- 
nesse  to  finde  the  theefe  out,  gaue  mee  thankes,  and 
wished  me  to  forbeare  saying  the  Rogues  had  car- 
ried them  into  the  woods  where  I  could  not  find  them. 

When  they  were  ready  to  depart  they  asked  mee 
where  I  meant  to  settle  my  plantation.  I  told  them  I 
had  scene  many  places  to  the  west,  and  intended  to  goe 
farther  to  the  east  before  I  could  resolue,  they  sayed  there 
was  no  good  place,  and  I  had  heard,  that  Pemoquid  and 

Capmanwagan^ 


I 


104   A  VOYAGE  INTO  NEW  ENGLAND. 

Capmanwagan,  and  Monkiggon  were  granted  to  others, 
&  the  best  time  for  fishing  was  then  at  hand,  which 
made  me  the  more  willing  to  retire,  and  the  rather  be- 
cause Cogawesco,  the  Sagamore  of  Casco  and  Qttacke,  told 
me  if  that  I  would  sit  downe  at  either  of  those  two 
places,  I  should  be  very  welcome,  and  that  he  and  his 
wife  would  goe  along  with  me  in  my  boate  to  see  them, 
which  curtesey  I  had  no  reason  to  refuse,  because,  I 
had  set  vp  my  resolution  before  to  settle  my  plantation 
at  Quacke,  which  I  named  Yorke,  and  was  glad  of  this 
oppertunity,  that  I  had  obtained  the  consent  of  them 
who  as  I  conceiue  hath  a  naturall  right  of  inheritance,  as 
they  are  the  sonnes  of  Noah,  and  therefore  doe  thinke  it 
fit  to  carry  things  very  fairely  without  compulsion,  (if  it 
be  posible)  for  avoyding  of  treacherie. 

The  next  day  the  winde  came  faire,  and  I  sayled  to 
Quacke  or  Yorke,  with  the  King,  Queene,  and  Prince, 
bowe  and  arrowes,  dogge  and  kettell  in  my  boate,  his 
noble  attendance  rowing  by  vs  in  their  Cannow. 

When  we  came  to  Yorke  the  Masters  of  the  Shippes 
came  to  bid  me  welcome,  and  asked  what  Sauages  those 
were,  I  told  them,  and  I  thanked  them,  they  vsed  them 
kindly,  &  gaue  them  meate,  drinke  and  tobacco.  The 
woman  or  reputed  Queene,  asked  me  if  those  men  were 
my  friends,  I  told  her  they  were ;  then  she  dranke  to  them, 

and 


MAP   OF   YORK    IN   LEVETT'S   TIME. 


A  VOYAGE  INTO  NEW  ENGLAND.    105 


and  told  them,  they  were  welcome  to  her  Countrey,  and 
so  should  all  my  friends  be  at  any  time,  she  dranke  also 
to  her  husband,  and  bid  him  welcome  to  her  Coun- 
trey too,  for  you  must  vnderstand  that  her  father  was  the 
Sagamore  of  this  place,  and  left  it  to  her  at  his  death 
hauing  no  more  Children. 

And  thus  after  many  dangers,  much  labour  and 
great  charge,  I  haue  obtained  a  place  of  habitation  in 
New-England,  where  I  haue  built  a  house,  and  fortified 
it  in  a  reasonable  good  fashion,  strong  enough  against 
such  enemies  as  are  those  Sauage  people.^^ 

Chap.  II. 


66.  Where  was  this  fortified  house 
in  which  Levett  left  a  little  company 
of  men  to  hold  it  until  his  return ; 
not  men  whose  sole  duty  it  was  to 
defend  it  against  the  savages,  but  to 
carry  on  a  fishing  for  him?  The 
question  is  not  one  of  much  import- 
ance, but  has  been  often  speculated 
upon ;  indeed,  it  will  probably  never 
pass  beyond  the  stage  of  speculation. 
That  it  was  upon  an  island  seems 
quite  well  settled,  especially  by  Mav- 
erick, who  says  that  "About  the 
yeare  1632  (a  clerical  error  for  1623) 
there  was  a  Patent  granted  to  one 
Capt.  Christopher  Levett  for  6.000 
acres  of  land  which  he  tooke  up  in 
this  Bay  neare  Cape  Elizabeth,  and 
built  a  good  House  and  fortified  well 
on  an  Island  lyeiug  before  Casco 
River."    House  Island  best  answers 


this  description.  It  lies  near  Cape 
Elizabeth  and  before  Casco  or  Fore 
River;  besides,  from  the  earliest 
time,  this  island  has  been  a  favorite 
resort  of  fishermen,  and  its  sunny 
slopes  have  been  burdened  with  their 
flakes,  as  they  are  to^ay.  Its  name 
Is  also  suggestive.  Levett's  house 
was  a  fortified  one,  and  we  can  hardly 
doubt  was  the  one  called  by  Winter 
when  writing  to  Trelawny, "  ih^  house 
at  Casko"  where  he  went  to  engage 
some  fishermen  in  1630,  which  we 
must  also  infer  was  on  "an  Island 
in  that  baye  of  Cascoe,"  since 
Trelawny  tells  Gorges  that  this 
island  was  the  only  part  of  his  patent 
of  which  Levett  took  de  facto  posses- 
sion. Two  answers  have  been  made 
to  this  theory.  The  first  answer  is 
that  in  a  deed  of  1808  it  is  called 


io6   A  VOYAGE  INTO  NEW  ENGLAND. 


CHAP.  II. 

SJieweth  how  tJie  Sauages^  carried  tfiemselues  vnto  me  con- 
tinually^ and  of  my  going  to  tfieir  Kings 
Houses :  and  t/ieir  comming  to  mine. 

HI  LEST  I  staied  in  this  place  I  had  some 
little  trucke,  but  not  much,  by  reason  of  an 
euill  member  in  the  Harbour,  who  being  cou- 
etous  of  trucke  vsed  the  matter  so,  that  he  got  the  Sau- 
ages  away  from  me. 

And 

"  Howes,  alias  House  Island/'  and 
therefore,  took  its  name  from  a 
former  occupant.  But  how  account 
for  the  fact  that  in  White's  deed  in 
1663,  it  is  denominated  "house  Hand 
— with  the  house  yron/'  and  so,  for 
a  century  and  a  half  afterwards  is 
named  in  the  varied  spelling  so  com- 
mon to  the  time,  house,  howse,  hows 
and  in  the  deed  of  1818,  Howes.  As 
a  matter  of  fact  there  is  no  record  in 
existence  showing  that  it  was  ever 
occupied  by  a  man  by  the  name  of 
Howe ;  but  if  it  had  been,  it  would 
only  show  a  coincidence  precisely 
like  one  in  the  case  of  Mackworth  or 
Mackey*s  Island.  When  the  writer 
first  visited  this  island  in  1884,  an 
old  lady  living  there  said  she  knew 
Mr.  Mackey  for  whom  it  was  named. 
When  informed  that  she  must  be  old 
as  the  man  from  whom  it  derived  its 


name  had  been  dead  more  than  two 
centuries,  she  replied  confidently, 
that  he  was  alive  twenty  years  be- 
fore, and  investigation  showed  the  cu- 
rious coincidence,  that  James  Mack- 
ey, a  Scotchman,  lived  on  the  island 
about  thirty  years  before,  and  was 
supposed  to  have  given  his  name  to 
the  island,  although  it  had  borne  that 
name  more  than  a  century  before 
his  birth.  The  second  answer  was 
by  a  military  man,  who  reasoned  that 
Levett  would  not  have  attempted  to 
fortify  this  island,  as  a  man  posses- 
sing any  military  knowledge  would 
not  have  erected  a  fortification  on 
such  an  island ;  forgetting  that  noth- 
ing was  needed  but  a  house  fortified, 
as  Levett  says, "  in  a  reasonable  good 
fashion,  strong  enough  against  such 
enemies  as  are  these  savage  people," 
and  strangely  overlooking  the  still 


A  VOYAGE  INTO  NEW  ENGLAND.    107 

And  it  is  no  wonder  that  he  should  abuse  me  in  this 
sort,  for  he  hath  not  spared  your  Lordshipps  and  all  the 
Co un sell  for  New-England. 

He  said  vnto  the  Gouernour  that  the  Lords  had  sent 
men  ouer  into  that  Countrey  with  Commissions,  to 
make  a  prey  of  others.  And  yet  for  my  owne  part  I 
neuer  demanded  or  tooke  from  any  man  in  that  Coun- 
tery,  the  value  of  a  denier,  neither  had  I  so  much  helpe 
from  any  Shippe  or  Shippes  companie  as  one  mans 
labour  the  space  of  an  houre,  nor,  had  I  any  prouision 
or  victuall  vpon  any  tearmes  whatsoeuer,  saue  onely 
1000.  of  bread,  and  22.  bushells  of  pease,  which  was 
offered  vnto  mee  and  not  by  me  requested,  for  which  I 
gaue  present  satisfaction  in  Beuer  skines :  and  also 
one  Rownlet  of  Aqua  vitcB,  which  was  brought  to  me  16 
Leagues  vnexpected,  which  good  manners  bid  me  buy. 
Much  more  provision  was  offered  to  me  by  many  Mas- 
ters of  Ships,  but  I  had  no  need  thereof,  so  I  gaue  them 
thanks  for  their  kindnesse,  and  refused  all. 

Nay,  it  is  well  knowne,  that  I  was  so  farre  from  doing 
wrong  to  any:  that  I  suffered  the  Land  which  was 
granted  to  me  by  Pattent  and  made  choyce  of  before 

any 


more  important  fact,  that  it  had 
already  been  fortified  by  the  United 
States  Government.  Vide  Maver- 
ick's Description  of  New  England,  p. 
8;  Trelawny  Papers,   pp.  102,  251; 

14 


York  Deeds,  Book  I,  p,  144 ;  Goold's 
Portland  in  the  Past,  p.  27,  and  an 
article  read  before  the  Maine  His- 
torical Society  by  Lieutenant  Leary. 


io8    A  VOYAGE  INTO  NEW  ENGLAND. 

any  other  man  came  there,  to  be  used,  and  my  timber  to 
be  cut  downe  &  spoyled,  without  taking  or  asking  any 
satisfaction  for  the  same.  And  I  doubt  not  but  all 
others  to  whom  you  gaue  authoritie,  will  sufficiently 
cleare  themselues  of  all  such  imputations. 

He  said  also  he  cared  not  for  any  authoritie  in  that 
place  and  though  he  was  forbid  to  trucke  yet  would  he 
haue  all  he  could  get:  in  despite  of  who  should  say  to 
the  contrary,  having  a  great  Ship  with  1 7.  peeces  of 
Ordinance  and  50.  men. 

And  indeed  his  practise  was  according  to  his  words, 
for  every  Sunday  or  once  in  the  weeke,  he  went  him- 
selfe  or  sent  a  boate  up  the  river  and  got  all  the  trucke  be- 
fore they  could  come  downe  to  the  Harbour.  And  so 
many  Savages  as  he  could  get  to  his  stage,  hee  would 
enforce  the  to  leaue  their  goods  behind  them.  One 
instance  a  mongst  many  I  will  giue  you. 

On  a  certaine  day  there  came  two  Savages  to  his 
place,  who  were  under  the  command  of  Somerset  or  Con- 
way^ I  know  not  whether,  at  which  time  they  were  both 
with  me  at  my  house,  but  the  other  two  who  went  to 
him,  knew  not  so  much,  but  afterwards  they  understand- 
ing of  it,  came  presently  over,  but  left  their  Cotts  and 
Beauer  skins  behind  them,  whereat  Somerset  and  Conway 
were   exceeding  angrie  and  were  ready  to  beate   the 

poore 


A  VOYAGE  INTO  NEW  ENGLAND.    109 

poore  fellows,  but  I  would  not  suffer  them  so  to  doe. 
They  presently  went  over  the  Harbor  themselues  in 
their  Cannow  to  fetch  their  goods,  but  this  man  would  let 
them  haue  none,  but  wished  them  to  truck  with  him, 
they  told  him  they  would  not,  but  would  carry  them  to 
Captaine  Levett,  he  said  Levett  was  no  captaine,  but  a 
lacknape,  a  poore  fellow,  &c.  They  told  him  againe 
that  he  was  a  Roague^  with  some  other  speeches,  where- 
upon he  and  his  company  fell  upon  them  &  beate  th^m 
both,  in  so  much  that  they  came  to  me  in  a  great  rage 
against  him,  and  said  they  would  be  revenged  on  his 
Fishermen  at  sea,  and  much  adoe  I  had  to  diswade  one 
of  them  for  going  into  England  to  tell  King  lames  of  it, 
as  he  said ;  when  they  came  to  me  in  this  rage,  there 
was  two  or  three  Masters  of  Shippes  by,  and  heard  every 
word. 

But  all  this  did  me  no  hurt,  (saue  the  losse  of  the 
trucke,  which  by  divers  was  thought  to  be  worth  above 
50.  li.)  for  the  two  Sagamores  whom  he  inticed  from  me, 
and  incensed  against  me,  at  length  used  meanes  to  be 
freinds  with  me,  sending  one  who  asked  me,  if  I  were 
angrie  with  them,  I  told  them  no,  I  was  not  angrie  with 
them  for  any  such  matter  as  lowsie  Cotts  and  skinnes, 
but  if  they  were  Matchett^  that  is,  naughtie  men,  and 
rebellious,  then  I  would  be  Mouchick  Hoggery^  that  is 
very  angry,  and  would  Cram^  that  is,  kill  them  all. 

When 


no   A  VOYAGE  INTO  NEW  ENGLAND. 

When  they  came  them  selues  to  me  to  seeke  peace, 
they  brought  me  a  Beauer  Coate,  and  two  Otter  skines, 
which  they  would  have  let  me  had  for  nothing,  but  I 
would  not  take  them  so,  but  gaue  them  more  then 
vsually  I  did  by  way  of  Trucke,  I  then  told  them  like- 
wise that  if  at  any  time  they  did  Trucke  with  mee, 
they  should  haue  many  good  things  in  leiu  of  their 
Beauer :  and  if  they  did  not  Trucke  it  was  no  matter,  I 
would  be  good  friends  with  them,  at  which  they  smiled 
and  talked  one  to  the  other,  saying  the  other  man  was 
a  lacknape,  and  that  I  had  the  right  fashion  of  the 
Aberieney^'^  Sagamores,  then  they  began  to  applaude  or 
rather  flatter  me,  saying  I  was  so  bigge  a  Sagamore,  yea 
foure  fathom,  which  were  the  best  words  they  could  vse 
to  expresse  their  minds :  I  replied  that  I  was  a  poore 
man  as  he  had  reported  of  mee.  They  said  againe  it 
was  no  matter  what  I  said,  or  that  lacknape  (which  is 
the  most  disgracefull  word  that  may  be  in  their  conceite,) 
for  all  the  Sagamores  in  the  Country  loued  poore  Levett 
and  was  Muchicke  sorrie  that  he  would  be  gon,  and  in- 
deed I  cannot  tell  what  I  should  thinke  of  them,  for 
euer  after  they  would  bring  mee  any  thing  they  thought 
would  giue  mee  content,  as  Egges  and  the  whole  bodyes 
of  Beauer,  which  in  my  concite  eate  like  Lambe,  and  is  not 

inferiour 


67.    Wood,  in  his  New  England's 
Prospect,  applies  the  title  Abergin- 


ians  to  these   savages,   the   people 
whom  we  denominate  the  Abnakis. 


A  VOYAGE  INTO  NEW  ENGLAND,    in 

inferiour  to  it :  yea  the  very  coats  of  Beauer  &  Otter- 
skinnes  from  off  their  backes,  which  though  I  many  time 
refused,  yet  not  allwaies,  but  I  neuer  tooke  any  such 
courtesie  from  them,  but  I  requited  them  answerably, 
chusing  rather  to  neglect  the  present  profit,  then  the 
hopes  I  haue  to  bring  them  to  better  things,  which  I 
hope  will  be  for  a  publicke  good,  and  which  I  am  per- 
swaded  were  agreeuous  sinne,  to  neglect  for  any  sinister 
end. 

And  a  little  before  my  departure  there  came  these 
Sagamores  to  see  mee,  Sadamoyt,  the  great  Sagamore  of 
the  East  Countrey,  Majiawormet^  Opparunwit^  Skedra- 
guscett,  CogawescOy  Somersett^  Conway  and  others. 

They  asked  me  why  I  would  be  gone  out  of  their 
Countrey,  I  was  glad  to  tell  them  my  wife  would  not 
come  thither  except  I  did  fetch  her,  they  bid  a  pox  on 
her  hounds,  (a  phrase  they  have  learned  and  doevse 
when  they  doe  curse)  and  wished  me  to  beate  her.  I  told 
them  no,  for  then  our  God  would  bee  angrie.  Then  they 
runne  out  vpon  her  in  euil  tearmes,  and  wished  me  to 
let  her  alone  and  take  another,  I  told  them  our  God 
would  be  more  angrie  for  that.  Againe  they  bid 
me  beate  her,  beate  her,  repeating  it  often,  and  very 
angerly,  but  I  answered  no,  that  was  not  the  English 
fashion,  and  besides,  she  was  a  good  wife  and  I  had 

children 


i 


112    A  VOYAGE  INTO  NEW  ENGLAND. 

children  by  her,  and  I  loued  her  well,  so  I  satisfied  them. 
Then  they  told  me  that  I  and  my  wife  and  Children,  with 
all  my  friends,  should  bee  hartily  welcome  into  that 
Countrey  at  any  time,  yea  a  hundredth  thousand  times, 
yea  Mouchicke^  Mouchicke^  which  is  a  word  of  waight. 

And  Somersett  tould  that  his  Sonne  (who  was  borne, 
whilst  I  was  in  the  Countrey,  and  whom  hee  would  needs 
haue  to  Name)  and  mine  should  be  Brothers  and  that 
there  should  be  muchicke  kgamatch^  (that  is  friendship) 
betwixt  them,  untill  Tajito  carried  them  to  his  wigwam, 
(that  is  vntill  that  they  died. 

Then  they  must  know  of  mee  how  long  I  would  be 
wanting,  I  told  them  so  many  Months,  at  which  they 
seemed  to  be  well  pleased,  but  wisht  me  to  take  heede  I 
proued  not  CJiechaske^  in  that  (that  is,  a  lier.)  They 
asked  me  what  I  would  doe  with  my  house,  I  told  them 
I  would  leaue  lo.  of  my  men  there  vntill  I  came  againe, 
and  that  they  should  kill  all  the  Tarrantens  they  should 
see  (being  enimies  to  them)  and  with  whom  the  English 
haue  no  commarsse.  At  which  they  reioyced  exceed- 
ingly, and  then  agreed  amongst  themselues  that  when 
the  time  should  be  expired,  which  I  spoke  of  for  my 
returne,  euery  one  at  the  place  where  he  lined  would 
looke  to  the  Sea,  and  when  they  did  see  a  Ship  they 
wold  send  to  all  the  Sagamores  in  the  Countrey,  and  tell 

them 


A  VOYAGE  INTO  NEW  ENGLAND.    113 

them  that  poore  Levett  was  come  againe.  And  thus 
insteed  of  doing  me  hurt,  I  thinke  that  either  he  or  I 
haue  done  good  to  all  Planters,  by  winning  their  affec- 
ons,  (which  may  bee  made  vse  of  without  trusting  of 
them.) 

But  if  your  Lordship  should  put  up  this  wrong  done 
unto  yoii,  and  the  Authority  which  you  gaue  them, 
never  expect  to  be  obeyed  in  those  parts,  either  by  Plan- 
ters or  Fishermen ;  for  some  haue  not  stucke  to  say>  that 
if  such  a  man,  contemning  authority,  and  abusing  one  of 
the  counsell,  and  drawing  his  knife  upon  him  at  his  own 
house,  which  he  did,  should  goe  unpunished,  then  would 
not  they  care  what  they  did  heereafter. 

And  truely  let  me  tell  your  Lordships,  that  if  euer 
you  intend  to  punish  any  for  disobedience,  or  contempt 
of  authority,  this  man  is  a  fit  instrument  to  make  a  pres- 
ident of,  for  he  is  rich,  and  this  yeare  will  gaine  the 
best  part  of  500  pounds  by  that  Countrie,  and  he  hath 
nether  wife  nor  childe,  for  whose  sakes  he  should  be 
spared. 

And  if  he  goe  free,  as  hee  has  domineered  over  vs,  to 
whom  your  Lordships  gaue  authority,  but  no  power  to 
put  it  in  execution,  so  will  he  grow  unmannerly  too  with 
your  Lordships,  as  hee  hath  already  begunne. 

And  it  will  discourage  men  hereafter  to  take  any 

authority 


114   A  VOYAGE  INTO  NEW  ENGLAND. 

authority  upon  them,  or  to  goe  about  to  reforme  any 
abuses  in  those  parts,  and  also  it  will  hinder  Planters 
for  going  over,  if  Fishermen  be  suffered  not  onely  to 
take  away  their  truck,  but  also  to  animate  the  Sauages 
against  them,  for  this  is  the  way  to  cause  all  Planters  to 
haue  their  throats  cut. 

But  I  leaue  these  things  to  your  Lo.  consideration, 
who  haue  as  well  power  as  authority  to  punish  such 
rebellious  persons. 

Thus  hauing  acquainted  you  with  what  I  haue  done, 
seen  and  heard ;  now  giue  me  leaue  to  tell  you  what  I 
thinke  of  the  Savages,  the  inhabitants  of  that  country : 
as  also  to  iustifie  the  innocent,  I  meane  the  Countrie  of 
New  England,  against  the  slanderous  reports  of  this  man, 
and  some  others  which  I  haue  heard,  and  likewise  to 
deliver  my  opinion,  what  courses  I  conceiue  to  be  most 
convenient  to  be  taken,  for  bringing  mostglorie  to  God, 
comfort,  honor  and  benifit  to  our  King,  and  our  owne 
Natiue  Nation. 

Chap.  III. 


A  VOYAGE  INTO  NEW  ENGLAND.    115 


CHAP.  III. 

Sheweth  the  nature  and  disposition  of  tlie  Savages^  and  of 
their  severall  Gods^  Squanto  and  Tanto. 

HAUEhad  much  conference  with  the  Sav- 
egas,  about  our  only  true  God,  and  haue  done 
my  best  to  bring  them  to  know  and  ac- 
knowledge him,  but  I  feare  me  all  the  labour  that  way, 
will  be  lost,  and  no  good  will  be  done,  except  it  be 
among  the  younger  sort. 

I  find  they  haue  two  Gods,  on  they  love :  and  the 
other  the  hate,  the  god  they  loue :  they  call  Squanto, 
and  to  him  they  ascribe  all  their  good  fortunes. 

The  god  they  hate  they  call  Ta^ito,  and  to  him  they 
ascribe  all  their  euill  fortunes,  as  thus,  when  any  is 
killed,  hurt  or  sicke,  or  when  it  is  evill  wether,  then 
they  say  Tanto  is  hoggry,  that  is  angry.  When  any 
dyes,  they  say  Tanto  carries  them  to  his  wigwam,  that 
is  his  house,  and  they  never  see  them  more. 

I  haue  asked  them  where  Squanto  dwells,  they  say 
they  cannot  tell  but  up  on  high,  and  will  poynt  upwards. 
And  for  Tanto,  they  say  farre  west,  but  they  know  not 
where. 

I  haue  asked  them  if  at  any  time  they  haue  seene 

Squanto, 


16 


ii6    A  VOYAGE  INTO  NEW  ENGLAND. 

Squanto^  or  Tanto,  they  say  no,  there  is  none  sees  them, 
but  their  Pawwawes,  nor  they  neither,  but  when  they 
dreame. 

Their  Pawwawes  are  their  Phisitians  and  Surgions, 
and  as  I  verely  beleeue  they  are  all  Witches,  for  they 
foretell  of  ill  wether,  and  many  strange  things,  every 
Sagamore  hath  one  of  them  belongs  to  his  company, 
and  they  are  altogether  directed  by  them. 

On  a  time  I  was  at  a  Sagamores  house  and  saw  a 
Martins  skin,  and  asked  if  he  would  trucke  it,  the  Saga- 
amore  told  me  no,  the  Pawwawe  used  to  lay  that  under 
his  head  when  he  dreamed,  and  if  he  wanted  that,  he 
could  doe  nothing,  thus  we  may  perceiue  how  the  devill 
deludes  those  poore  people  and  keep  them  in  blind- 
nesse. 

I  find  them  generally  to  be  marvellous  quicke  of 
apprehension,  and  full  of  subteltie,  they  will  quickely 
find  any  man's  disposition,  and  flatter  &  humour  him 
strangely,  if  they  hope  to  get  anything  of  him.  And  yet 
will  they  count  him  a  foole  if  he  doe  not  shew  a  dislike 
of  it,  and  will  say  on  to  another,  that  such  a  man  is  a 
Mechecome. 

They  are  slow  of  speech,  and  if  they  heare  a  man 
speake  much  they  will  laugh  at  him,  and  say  he  is  a  Meche- 
cum^  that  is  a  foole. 

If 


A  VOYAGE  INTO  NEW  ENGLAND.    117 

If  men  of  place  be  too  familiar  with  them,  they  will 
not  respect  them :  therefore  it  is  to  be  wished  that  all 
such  persons  should  be  wise  in  their  Carriage. 

The  Sagamores  will  scarce  speake  to  an  ordinary 
man,  but  will  point  to  their  men,  and  say  Sanops^  must 
speake  to  Sanops^  and  Sag  amors  to  Sagamors. 

They  are  very  bloudy  minded  and  full  of  Tracherie 
amongst  themselues,  one  will  kill  another  for  their 
wiues,  and  he  that  hath  the  most  wiues  is  the  brauest 
fellow :  therefore  I  would  wish  no  man  to  trust  them, 
what  euer  they  say  or  doe  ;  but  alwaies  to  keepe  a  strickt 
hand  ouer  them,  and  yet  to  vse  them  kindly,  and  deale 
vprightly  with  them ;  so  shall  they  please  God,  keepe 
their  reputation  amongst  them,  and  be  free  from  danger. 

Their  Sagamors  are  no  Kings,  as  I  verilie  beleeue, 
for  I  can  see  no  Government  or  Law  amongst  them  but 
Club  Law :  and  they  call  all  Masters  of  Shippes  Saga- 
more, or  any  other  man,  that  they  see  have  a  commaund 
of  men. 

Their  wiues  are  their  slaves,  and  doe  all  their  worke 
the  men  doe  nothing  but  kill  Beasts,  Fish,  &c. 

On  a  time  reasoning  with  one  of  their  Sagamors 
about  their  hauing  so  many  wiues,  I  tould  him  it  was  no 
good  fashion,  he  then  asked  mee  how  many  wiues  King 
James  had,  I  told  him  he  neuer  had  but  one,  and  shee 

was 


ii8   A  VOYAGE  INTO  NEW  ENGLAND. 

was  dead,  at  which  he  wondred,  and  asked  mee  who 
then  did  all  the  Kings  worke.  You  may  Imagin  he 
thought  their  fashion  was  vniuersal  and  that  no  King 
had  any  to  worke  for  them  but  their  wiufs. 

They  haue  no  apparrell  but  skinnes,  except  they  haue 
it  from  the  English^  or  French^  in  winter  the  weare 
the  haire  side  inwards,  in  summer  outwards.  They 
haue  a  peece  of  a  skinne  about  their  loines  like  a  girdle 
and  between  their  legges  goes  another,  made  fast  to  the 
girdle  before  and  behind,  which  serues  to  couer  their 
nakednesse,  they  are  all  thus  apparrelled,  going  bare 
headed  with  long  haire,  sometimes  you  shall  not  know 
the  men  from  women  but  by  their  breasts,  the  men 
having  no  haire  on  their  faces. 

When  their  Children  are  borne  they  bind  them  on  a 
peece  of  board,  and  sets  it  vpright,  either  against  a  tree 
or  any  other  place.  They  keep  them  thus  bound  vntill 
they  be  three  months  old,  and  after  they  are  contin- 
uall  naked  vntill  they  be  about  fiue  or  sixe  yeares. 

Yee  shall  haue  them  many  times  take  their  Children 
&  bury  them  in  the  snow  all  but  their  faces  for  a  time, 
to  make  them  the  better  to  endure  cold,  and  when  they 
are  not  aboue  2.  yeares  old,  they  will  take  them  and  cast 
them  into  the  Sea,  like  a  little  dogge  or  Cat,  to  learne 
them  to  swimme. 

Their 


A  VOYAGE  INTO  NEW  ENGLAND.    119 

Their  weapons  are  bowes  and  arrowes,  I  never  saw 
more  than  two  fowling  peeces,  one  pistall,  about  foure 
Halfe-pikes,  and  three  Curt-laces  amongst  them,  so 
that  we  neede  not  to  feare  them  much,  if  wee  auoid 
their  Treacherie. 

Their  houses  are  built  in  halfe  an  houres  space 
being  onely  a  few  powles  or  boughes  stucke  in  the 
ground  and  couered  with  the  barkes  of  trees. 

Their  Language  differs  as  English  &  Welch.  On  a 
time  the  Gouernour  was  at  my  house,  and  brought  with 
him  a  Salvage,  who  liued  not  aboue  70.  miles  from  the 
place  which  I  haue  made  choise  of,  who  talking  with 
another  Sauage,  they  were  glad  to  vse  broken  English 
to  expresse  their  mind  each  to  other,  not  being  able  to 
vnderstand  one  another  in  their  Language. 

And  to  say  something  of  the  Countrey:  I  will  not 
doe  therein  as  some  haue  done,  to  my  knowledge  speak 
more  then  is  true:  I  will  not  tell  you  that  you  may 
smell  the  corne  fields  before  you  see  the  Land,  neither 
must  men  thinke  that  corne  doth  growe  naturally  (or  on 
trees,)  nor  will  the  Deare  come  when  they  are  called,  or 
stand  still  and  looke  one  a  man,  untill  he  shute  him,  not 
knowing  a  man  from  a  beast,  nor  the  fish  leape  into 
the  kettle,  nor  on  the  drie  Land,  neither  are  they  so 
plentifull,  that  you  may  dipp  them  up  in  baskets,  nor 

take 


I20   A  VOYAGE  INTO  NEW  ENGLAND. 

take  Codd  in  netts  to  make  a  voyage,  which  is  no  truer : 
then  that  the  fowles  will  present  themselues,  to  you  with 
spitts  through  them. 

But  certainely  there  is  fowle,  Deare,  and  Fish  enough 
for  the  taking  if  men  be  dilligent,  there  be  also  Vines, 
Plume  trees,  Cherey  trees,  Strawberies,  Gooseberies,  and 
Raspes,  Walnutts,  chesnut,  and  small  nuts,  of  each 
great  plenty ;  there  is  also  great  store  of  parsley,  and 
divers  other  holesome  Earbes,  both  for  profit  and  pleas- 
ure, with  great  store  of  Saxifrage,  Cersa-perilla,  and 
Anni-seeds. 

And  for  the  ground  their  is  large  &  goodly  Marsh 
to  make  meddow,  higher  land  for  pasture  and  corne. 

There  be  these  severall  sorts  of  earth,  which  I  haue 
scene,  as,  Clay^  Sand,  Grauill,  yea  and  as  blacke  fatt 
earth,  as  ever  I  sawe  in  Engla^id  in  all  my  life. 

There  are  likewise  these  helpes  for  ground,  as  Sea- 
sand,  Oreworth  or  Wracke,  Mark  blew  and  white,  and 
some  men  say  there  is  Lime,  but  I  must  confesse  I 
neuer  saw  any  Lime-stone  \  but  I  haue  tried  the  Shels  of 
Fish,  and  I  find  them  to  be  good  Lime. 

Now  let  any  husbandman  tell  mee,  whither  there  be 
any  feare  of  hauing  any  kind  of  Corne,  hauing  these 
seuerall  kinds  of  Earth  with  these  helpes,  the  Climat 
being  full  as  good  if  not  better  than  E^tgland. 

I  dare 


A  VOYAGE  INTO  NEW  ENGLAND.    121 

I  dare  be  bold  to  say  also,  there  may  be  Shippes  as 
conueniently  built  there  as  in  any  place  of  the  world, 
where,  I  haue  beene,  and  better  cheape.  As  for  Plancke, 
crooked  Timber,  and  all  other  sorts  what  so  euer  can 
be  desired  for  such  purpose,  the  world  cannot  afford 
better.  Masts  and  Yeards  of  all  sises,  there  be  allso 
Teees  growing,  whereof  Pitch  and  Tarre  is  made. 

And  for  Sailes  and  all  sorts  of  Cordish  you  neede  not 
to  want,  if  you  will  but  sowe  Hempe  and  Flaxseede,  and 
after  worke  it.  Now  there  wants  nothing  but  Iron,  and 
truely  I  thinke  I  haue  scene  Iron-stone  there,  but  I  must 
acknowledge  I  haue  no  great  iudgement  in  Mineralls, 
yet  I  haue  scene  the  Iron-workes  in  England,  and  this 
Stone  is  like  ours.  But  howsoeuer  if  the  Countrie 
will  not  afford  Iron,  yet  it  may  be  easilie  brought,  for  it 
is  good  Ballast  for  Shippes. 

There  is  also  much  excellent  Timber  for  loyners  and 
Coopers :  howsoeuer  a  worthy  Noble  man  hath  beene 
abused,  who  sent  ouer  some  to  make  Pippe-staues,  who 
either  for  want  of  skill  or  industrie,  did  no  good.  Yet  I 
dare  say  no  place  in  England  can  afford  better  Timber 
for  Pippe-staues,  then  foure  seuerall  places  which  I  haue 
scene  in  that  Countrey. 

Thus  haue  I  relaited  vnto  you  what  I  haue  scene, 
and  doe  know  may  be  had  in  those  parts  of  New-Eng- 
land 


i 


122    A  VOYAGE  INTO  NEW  ENGLAND. 

land  where  I  haue  beene,  yet  was  I  neuer  at  the  Mesa- 
chusett,  which  is  counted  the  Paradice  of  New-England^ 
nor  at  Cape  Ann.  But  I  feare  there  hath  been  too  faire 
a  glosse  set  on  Cape  Ann.  I  am  told  there  is  a  good 
Harbour  which  makes  a  faire  Inuitation,  but  when  they 
are  in  their  entertainement  is  not  answerable,  for  there 
is  little  good  ground,  and  the  Shippes  which  fished  there 
this  yeare,  their  boats  went  twenty  miles  to  take  their 
Fish,  and  yet  they  were  in  great  feare  of  making  their 
Voyages,  as  one  of  the  Masters  confessed  vnto  me  who 
was  at  my  house.^* 

Neither  was  I  at  New-Plimoth,  but  I  feare  that 
place  is  not  so  good  as  many  other,  for  if  it  were  in  my 
conceite  they  would  content  themselues  with  it  and  not 
seeke  for  any  other  hauing  ten  times  so  much  ground 
as  would  serue  ten  times  so  many  people  as  they  haue 
now  amongst  them.  But  it  seemes  they  haue  no  Fish  to 
make  benifit  of,  for  this  yeare  they  had  one  Shippe  Fisht 
at  Pemoguid,  and  an  other  at  Cape  Ann,  where  they  haue 
begun  a  new  Plantation,  but  how  long  it  will  continew 
I  know  not. 

Neither  was  I  ever  farther  to  the  West  than  the  lies 

of  Shoulds. 

Thus 


68.    There  were  from  forty  to  fifty 
ships  fishing  on  the  New  England 


coast  while  Leyett  was  in  the  coun- 
try if  we  may  credit  Smith. 


A  VOYAGE  INTO  NEW  ENGLAND.    123 

Thus  have  I  done  with  my  commendations  of  the 
Countrie.     I  will  now  speake  the  worst  I  know  by  it. 

About  the  middle  of  May  you  shall  haue  little  Flies, 
called  Musketoes,  which  are  like  Gnatts,  they  continue 
as  I  am  told,  vntill  the  last  of  July. .  These  are  very 
troublesome  for  the  time,  for  they  sting  exceedingly 
both  night  and  day.  But  I  found  by  experience  that 
bootes  or  thicke  stockings  would  saue  the  legges, 
gloues  the  hands,  and  tiffeney  or  some  such  things 
which  will  not  much  hinder  the  sight  will  saue  the  face, 
and  at  night  any  smoake  will  secure  a  man. 

The  reason  of  the  aboundance  of  these  creatures,  I 
take  to  be  the  woods  which  hinders  the  aire,  for  I  haue 
obserued  allwaies  when  the  winde  did  blow  but  a  little, 
we  were  not  much  troubled  with  them. 

And  I  verily  thinke  that  if  there  were  a  good 
number  of  people  planted  together,  and  that  the  woods 
were  cut  downe,  the  earth  were  tilled,  and  the  rubbish 
which  lieth  on  the  ground  wherein  they  breed  were 
burnt,  and  that  there  were  many  chimneyes  smoaking, 
such  small  creatures  would  doe  but  little  hurt. 

Another  euill  or  inconuenience  I  see  there,  the  snow 
in  winter  did  lie  very  long  vpon  the  ground. 

But  I  understand  that  all  the  parts  of  Christendome, 
were  troubled  with  a  cold  winter  so  well  as  wee.     Yet 

would 

16 


124    A  VOYAGE  INTO  NEW  ENGLAND. 

would  I  aske  any  man  what  hurt  snow  doeth?  The 
husbandman  will  say  that  Corne  is  the  better  for  it. 
And  I  hope  Cattell  may  bee  as  well  fed  in  the  house 
there  as  in  England,  Scotland,  and  other  Countries,  and 
he  is  but  an  ill  husband  that  cannot  find  Imployments 
for  his  seruants  within  doores  for  that  time.  As  for 
Wiues  and  Children  if  they  bee  wise  they  will  keepe 
themselues  close  by  a  good  fire,  and  for  men  they  will 
haue  no  occasion  to  ride  to  Faires  or  Markets,  Sysses  or 
Sessions,  only  Hawkes  and  Hounds  will  not  then  be  vse- 
fulU. 

Yet  let  me  tell  you  that  it  is  still  almost  Christmas 
before  there  be  any  winter  there,  so  that  the  cold  time 
doth  not  continue  long. 

And  by  all  reason  that  Countrey  should  be  hotter 
then  England,  being  many  Degrees  farther  from  he 
North  Pole. 

And  thus  according  to  my  poore  understanding  I 
haue  given  you  the  best  information  I  can  of  the  people 
and  Country,  commodities  and  discommodities.  Now 
giue  mee  leaue  to  oppose  myselfe  against  the  man  before- 
mentioned,  and  others,  who  speaks  against  the  Country, 
and  plantations  in  those  parts,  and  to  set  down  such 
obiections  as  I  haue  heard  them  make,  and  my  answers, 
and  afterward  let  wisedome  iudge :  for  my  desire  is,  that 

the 


A  VOYAGE  INTO  NEW  ENGLAND.    125 

the  saddle  may  be  set  on  the  right  horse,  and  the  Asse 
may  be  rid,  and  the  knaue  punished,  either  for  discourag- 
ing or  incouraging  too  much,  whosoeuer  he  be. 


CHAP.  V. 

Certaiiu  obiections  and  answers^  with  sufficient  proues 

how  it  may  be  exceeding  profitable  to  tJu  Common' 

wealth  and  all  planters  and  adventurers. 

|HEY  say  the  Country  is  good  for  nothing  but 
to  starue  so  many  people  as  comes  in  it. 

It  is  granted  that  some  haue  beene  starued 
to  death,  and  others  haue  hardly  escaped,  but  where  was 
the  fault,  in  the  Country  or  in  themselues.  That  the 
Country  is  as  I  haue  said,  I  can  bring  100  men  to  iustifie 
it ;  but  if  men  be  neither  industrious  nor  provident,  they 
may  starue  in  the  best  place  of  the  world. 

About  two  yeares  since  one  Mr.  Weston  sent  ouer 
about  50  persons  to  plant,  with  little  prouision ;  when 
they  came  there,  they  neither  applyed  themselues  to 
planting  of  corne  nor  taking  of  fish,  more  then  for  their 
present  use,  but  went  about  to  build  Castles  in  the  Aire, 
and  making  of  Forts,  neglecting  the  plentifuU  time  of 
fishing.     When    Winter  came   their  forts   would  not 

keepe 


126   A  VOYAGE  INTO  NEW  ENGLAND. 


keepe  out  hunger,  and  they  hauing  no  provision  before- 
hand, and  wanting  both  powder  and  shot  to  kill  Deare 
and  Fowle,  many  were  starued  to  death,  and  the  rest 
hardly  escaped.  There  are  foure  of  his  men  which 
escaped,  now  at  my  plantation,  who  haue  related  unto 
me  the  whole  businesse.^^ 

Again,  this  last  yeare  there  went  ouer  diuerse  at  one 
time,  and  to  one  place,  with  too  little  prouision,  some  of 
them  are  dead,  yet  I  cannot  heare  of  any  that  were 
meerely  starued,  except  one  whose  name  was  Chapman^ 
a  Londoner,  and  whether  he  was  starued  or  no  is  uncer- 
taine ;  but  if  he  were,  Gods  iust  iudgement  did  appeare. 
For  this  man  (as  I  am  told,  by  an  honest  man,  who 
came  from  London  with  him)  brought  at  the  least  80 
pound  worth  of  prouision,  and  no  more  but  himselfe 
and  two  servants,  which  was  sufficient  for  at  the  least  18 
moneths,  if  it  had  been  well  used.  And  yet  in  5 
moneths  after  his  arivall  in  New  England  he  dyed 
miserably. 

Let  me  tell  you  a  strange  thing  of  this  man  (I  haue 
it  but  by  relation  from  one  of  his  companions)  he  payed 
for  his  passage,  and  his  mens,  and  provision,  so  that  he 

needed 


50.  Til  18  is  to  be  noticed,  that 
wlien  Levett  wrote  tliis  book  in  1028, 
he  then  had  in  his  liouse  at  CaHCo, 
at  least  four  men  who  had  belonged 
to  Weston's  unfortunate  colony.    It 


was  only  two  years  later  that  Winter 
went  there  and  secured  the  services 
of  Alger,  Baker  and  Rouse,  to  fish 
for  him  at  Richmond's  Island.  Vxdt 
Trelawny  Papers,  p.  261. 


A  VOYAGE  INTO  NEW  ENGLAND.    127 

needed  not  to  haue  spent  any  thing  until  his  arival  in 
New  England,  yet  would  he  at  Plimoth  (where  the  ship 
stayed  too  long  for  him  and  others,)  spent  seven  or  eight 
pound  a  week  in  wine.  Tobacco,  and  whores,  and  for 
the  maintaining  of  this  expence  he  daily  fetched  his 
provision  from  aboard,  and  sold  it  at  a  low  rate.  And 
when  they  were  at  Sea,  his  Tobacco  being  spent,  he 
gaue  usually  sixepence  for  a  pipe ;  he  gave  also  a  sute  of 
cloaths,  valewd  to  be  worth  50  shillings,  for  so  much 
Tobacco  as  was  not  worth  halfe  a  crowne.  Nay  at  last, 
as  his  Comrade  told  me,  he  was  glad  to  become  servant 
to  one  of  his  servants.  Then  his  Master  told  him,  that 
if  hee  would  work  hee  would  allow  him  one  bisket  cake 
a  day,  if  not  he  should  haue  but  halfe  a  cake.  He  made 
choice  of  halfe  a  cake,  without  work ;  and  so  a  base  lazie 
fellow  made  a  lamentable  end.  Where  was  the  fault 
now,  in  the  men,  or  the  Country  ? 

Another  obiection  which  I  haue  met  with  is  this : 
That  there  is  nothing  got  or  saued  by  sending  men  ouer 
to  plant ;  neither  is  it  beneficiall  either  to  private  men, 
either  Aduenturer  or  Planter,  or  good  for  the  Common- 
wealth. 

For  answer  hereunto,  first  for  matter  of  profite,  it  is 
well  knowne  to  all  the  Marchants  of  the  West  Country, 
who  haue  left  almost  all  other  Trade  but  this,  and  yet  is 
growne  rich  thereby.  Secondly 


128   A  VOYAGE  INTO  NEW  ENGLAND. 

Secondly,  for  the  Common-wealth  consider  these 
things : 

I  The  great  complaint  that  hath  for  a  long  time 
been  made  in  England,  that  our  land  is  overburthened 
with  people,  and  that  there  is  no  imployment  for  our 
men  ;  so  that  it  is  likely  they  must  either  starue,  steale,  or 
proue  mutinous.  And  whether  plantations  be  a  meanes 
to  help  this  inconvenience  or  no,  I  desire  to  know  ? 

It  hath  beene  likewise  said  unto  me,  that  it  benefits 
the  Common-wealth  nothing  at  all  to  send  men  ouer 
with  provision  of  cloathes  victuals,  and  continuall  sup- 
plies. 

To  that  I  say,  let  such  men  as  you  send  thither  to 
plant  haue  provision  as  Chapman  had  for  i8  monthes, 
and  if  after  they  cannot  Hue  of  themselves,  and  be  bene- 
ficiall  either  to  the  common  wealth  or  to  themselues,  let 
them  dye  Chapmans  death. 

Againe  Plantations  may  be  beneficiall  to  the  Com- 
monwealth, by  the  enlargement  of  his  Majesties  Domin- 
ions. 

Againe  by  the  increase  of  Shipping,  (which  is  the 
strength  of  a  Nation,  and  that  without  wasting  of  our 
timber  which  is  a  commoditie  that  I  feare  England  will 
find  the  want  off  before  many  yeares  passe  over,  for  if 
timber  goe  to  decay  as  now  it  doth,  we  shall  scarce  Kaue 

any 


A  VOYAGE  INTO  NEW  ENGLAND.    129 

any  to  build,  or  repare,  Ships  or  houses.  Againe  tell 
me  whither  it  would  be  benifitiall  to  the  Common-wealth 
to  haue  all  our  idle  persons  keept  to  worke  and  our 
populous  Nation  disburthened,  and  yet  to  haue  them 
ready  to  serue  our  King  and  Countrey  vpon  all  occa- 
sions. 

Lastly,  tell  me  whither  it  would  be  benefitial  to  the 
Common-wealth  to  haue  all  poore  people  maintained  out 
of  those  Artes.  And  euerie  parrish  freed  from  their 
weekely  paiments  to  the  poore,  which  if  I  doe  make 
to  appeare,  then  let  me  be  accounted  an  vnworthy  fellow. 
But  first  let  me  set  down  another  obiection,  which 
seemes  to  be  of  great  force,  and  yet  in  my  conceit  is  like 
the  rest,  shallow  and  that  is  this. 

If  say  they  there  be  so  many  plantations,  there  will 
be  no  roome  in  the  Countrey  for  such  Ships  as  doe  come 
yearely  to  make  voiages,  and  by  this  meanes  Shippes 
shall  lye  still  and  decay  Marriners  and  Fishermen  shall 
want  imployment,  and  so  all  will  be  out  of  frame  if  euer 
we  shall  haue  warres.  And  therefore  howsoeuer  it 
may  be  benefitiall  to  some  few  persons,  yet  it  will  be 
hurtfuU  to  the  Common-wealth.  And  consequently  all 
such  as  haue  any  hand  in  such  businesses  are  euill  mem- 
bers in  the  Common-wealth. 

I  answere  that  if  these  things  were  thoroughly  ex- 
amined 


I30   A  VOYAGE  INTO  NEW  ENGLAND. 

amined  by  his  Maiestie,  the  Parliament  or  Counsell 
Table,  it  would  plainely  appeare,  that  the  most  of  them 
which  keepe  such  adoe  against  Plantations,  are  the  great- 
est enimies  to  the  publique  good,  and  that  their  shew  of 
care  for  the  Commo-wealth  is  nothing  but  a  colour,  for 
the  more  cleanely  concealing  of  their  vnknowne  profits. 
It  will  also  appeare  that  plantations  are  for  the  publique 
good  and  by  that  meanes  there  shall  be  more  and  better 
cheape  Shippes  built,  and  imploied,  more  Mariners  and 
Fishermen  keept  to  worke  then  now  there  are,  and 
more  people  pertakers  of  the  benefits  than  now  there 
doth. 

Which  I  prove  thus,  first  there  may  be  Timber  had 
to  build  Shippes,  and  ground  for  Corne  and  keeping  of 
Cattel,  and  all  for  little  or  nothing. 

Secondly  there  may  bee  more  men  trained  vp  in 
fishing  then  now  there  is,  whose  trade  is  decaied  in  Eng- 
land, and  they  ready  to  sterue  for  want  of  imployments. 

Thirdly,  there  may  bee  twice  so  much  fish  taken 
euery  yeare  as  now  there  is.  For  Shippes  that  goe  to 
make  Voyages,  seldome  or  neuer  keep  their  boats  at  Sea 
aboue  two  Months  or  ten  weekes,  for  making  their 
Voyage,  and  I  dare  maintaine  that  there  is  Fish  enough  to 
be  taken,  seuen  Mounths  in  the  yeare  if  men  be  there 
ready  to  take  all  opportunities. 

Fourthly 


A  VOYAGE  INTO  NEW  ENGLAND.    131 

Fourthly,  the  more  Fish  that  is  taken  the  more 
Shippes  there  must  be  for  the  transportation  of  it. 

Fiftly,  whereas  now  none  doth  take  the  benefite  but 
a  few  Marchants,  not  all  the  Marchants  in  the  Land, 
no  not  one  of  a  thowsand. 

By  Plantations,  not  onely  all  the  Marchants  in  the 
Land,  but  all  the  people  in  the  Land  may  partake  thereof. 

And  now  to  shew  you  how  the  profite  may  arise. 


CHAP.  VL 

Sheweth  how  by  adventuring  of  a  100.  pounds  more  or 
lesse,  a  man  may  profite  so  much  every  yeare^  for    ' 
20.  yeares  or  longer^  without  any  more 
charge  the7i  at  the  first. 

MUST  confesse  I  haue  studied  no  other  Art 
a  longe  time  but  the  Mysteries  of  New  Eng. 
la7idsTrB,dey  and  I  hope  at  last :  I  haue  attained 
to  the  understanding  of  the  secrets  of  it,  which  I  thinke 
the  Fishermen  are  sorie  for.  But  it  shall  be  no  longer 
concealed,  for  that  I  thinke  every  good  subiect  is  bound 
to  preferre  the  publicke,  beforre  his  own  private  good. 
First  therefore,  I  will  shew  you  the  charge  which 

every 

17 


132    A  VOYAGE  INTO  NEW  ENGLAND. 

every  Marchant  is  at  yearely,  in  sending  their  Shipes 
to  fish  there,  and  so  neere  as  I  can  the  profit  they  make 
of  such  Voyages.  Then  we  will  see  the  charge  which 
planters  must  be  at,  in  sending  men  over  to  stay  there, 
and  the  profit  they  are  likely  to  make,  and  so  by  com- 
paring the  one  with  the  other,  we  shall  see,  which  is  the 
better  and  more  profitable  course. 

A  Shipp  of  200.  Tunn,  commonly  doth  carrie  in  those 
Voyages  50.  men,  these  men  are  at  no  charge  but  20. 
shillings  a  man  towards  their  vittels,  neither  haue  they 
any  waiges,  but  in  leiu  thereof  they  haue  one  third 
part  of  all  the  fish  and  trayne. 

Another  third  part  there  is  allowed  the  owners  of  the 
Shippe  for  their  fraught,  and  the  other  third  part  is 
allowed  for  the  victuall,  salte,  nets,  hookes  lines  and 
other  implements  for  taking  and  making  the  Fish. 

The  charge  of  victualling  (which  is  vsually  for  9. 
Mounths,)  the  salte  &c.  doth  commonly  amount  to 
about  800  pounds,  and  for  that  they  haue  (as  I  said  one 
third  part  of  the  Fish)  which  is,  neere  67.  tunne,  the 
Shippe  being  laiden,  which  will  make  1340,  Kintalls, 
(at  the  Market)  sometimes  when  they  come  to  a  good 
Market  they  sell  their  Fish  for  44.  Rialls  a  Kintall,  and 
so  to  36  Rialls,  which  is  the  least,  but  say  they  haue  40, 
one  time  with  another,  and  at  that  rate  one  third  of 

that 


A  VOYAGE  INTO  NEW  ENGLAND.    133 

that  Shippes  layding  doth  yeeld  1340  pounds,  which 
they  haue  for  disbursing  of  800  pounds  nine   Mounths. 

Now  take  notice  that  they  are  but  8  or  10  weekes  in 
taking  all  their  Fish,  and  about  one  Mounth  longer  in 
making  it  fit  to  be  Shipped, 

Which  being  considered,  then  say  that  such  men  as 
are  sent  ouer  to  plant,  haue  12  Months  prouisio, 
which  will  amount  to  1066  pounds  13  shillings  4  pence, 
these  men  stay  in  the  Countrey,  and  doe  take  the 
benefit  both  of  the  first  &  last  fishing  season,  &  all  other 
opportunities,  the  Fishing  continuing  good  at  the  least 
seauen  Moneths  in  the  yeare,  though  not  all  at  one 
time :  now  I  hope  you  will  grant  that  they  are  as  Hkelie 
to  take  two  Shippes  lading  as  the  other  one,  which  if 
they  doe,  one  third  thereof  at  the  same  rate  will  amount 
to  2680  pounds,  the  charge  you  are  at  being  deducted, 
the  profit  is  1019  pounds  6  shillings  8  pence.  Now 
tell  me  seriously,  which  is  the  more  profitable  course? 

Againe  consider,  that  in  all  likelihood  this  Fish  is  to 
be  taken  in  5.  Moneths,  then  haue  you  7.  Moneths  more 
to  imploy  your  men  in  the  Countrey  euery  yeare,  about 
building  of  Shippes,  cleauing  of  pipe-staues,  or  any  other 
thing,  and  will  that  be  worth  nothing? 

Truely  this  1  will  say,  send  men  ouer  but  with  18 
Moneths  prouision,  and  Cattell,  and  Corne  to  plant,  and 

other 


J 


134   A  VOYAGE  INTO  NEW  ENGLAND. 

other  necessaries,  and  they  shall  afford  you  thus  much 
profit  yearely,  without  euer  putting  you  to  more  charge 
if  God  blesse  them  with  health,  and  you  from  losses, 
(and  I  neuer  heard  of  any  great  losse  by  aduenturing 
thither)  and  that  you  bee  fitted  with  good  and  vnder- 
standing  men  to  ouer-see  the  businesse,  who  is  able  to 
direct  them. 


CHAP.  VII. 

Sheweth  how  every  parish  may  be  freed  of  their  weekly 
payments  to  the  poore^  by  the  profits  which  may  bee 
fetched  thence.     With  certaine  Obiections  against 
the  thifigs  contaifted  in  this  and  the  for- 
mer chapter^  with  answers  tJieretinto, 

ND  thus  haue  I  shewed  you  what  hopes  there 
is  of  profit  by  plantations,  yet  haue  I  shewed 
you  no  other  meanes  to  raise  it,  but  by  fish  and 
timber.  I  would  not  haue  you  say  there  is  nothing  else 
in  the  Country  to  make  any  benefite  of ;  for  I  assure 
you  it  is  well  knowne  to  myselfe,  and  others  who  haue 
beene  there,  that  there  are  diverse  other  good  things 
there  to  be  had ;  but  I  doe  not  loue  to  speake  of  all  at 
one  time,  but  to  reserue  some,  to  stop  the  mouths  of 

such 


A  VOYAGE  INTO  NEW  ENGLAND.    135 

such  prating  coxcombs  as  will  neuer  be  satisfied  with 
any  reason,  but  will  alwaies  cavill  though  to  little  purpose. 

And  methinks  I  heare  some  such  people  buzzing  in 
some  other  obiections,  and  bidding  me  stay,  and  not 
fish  before  the  net,  for  there  are  many  lets,  as  these ; 
There  are  many  ships  goe,  that  makes  not  so  good  voy- 
ages as  I  speake  of ;  for  they  are  so  long  beaten  in  their 
passage,  or  on  the  coast,  that  the  best  of  the  fishing  is 
past  before  they  be  there. 

To  that  I  answer,  I  speak  not  what  euery  ship  doth, 
but  what  some  doe  and  all  others  may  doe,  if  they  be  in 
the  Country  to  take  all  opportunities. 

2.  Obict.  That  it  is  not  possible  to  make  Planta- 
tions so  publicke  a  businesse,  as  that  it  should  redound  to 
the  benefit  of  all  the  Kings  Subiects.  And  againe  that 
there  will  never  be  so  much  money  rased  as  to  establish 
such  Plantations,  for  that  most  men  in  this  age  respects 
their  own  profit  100  times  more  then  the  publicke  good ; 
and  their  hearts  are  so  glewed  to  the  world,  that  you 
shall  as  soone  hang  them  as  draw  anything  from  them, 
though  it  be  to  never  so  charitable  an  use.  And  if  it  should 
be  by  way  of  commandment,  it  would  be  a  grievance  not 
to  be  endured. 

But  I  would  aske  such  men  whether  they  be  so  void 
of  charity,  as  that  they  will  not  doe  themselues  good, 

because 


136   A  VOYAGE  INTO  NEW  ENGLAND. 

because  some  others  shall  haue  some  by  it  also  ?  And 
whether  they  will  be  grieued  at  a  man  for  shewing  of 
them  how,  by  the  disbursing  of  20  shillings,  they  shall 
haue  20  shillings  a  year  for  seuen,  ten  or  twenty  years, 
and  perhaps  for  euer  ? 

My  desire  is  not  that  any  should  be  compelled. 
Onely  this  I  could  wish,  that  euery  parish  would  adven- 
ture so  much  as  they  pay  weekly  to  the  reliefe  of  the  poore 
(which  is  no  great  matter.)  And  so  euery  shire  by  itselfe, 
would  send  ouer  men  to  plant.  And  if  after  18  moneths 
they  shall  not  yearely  returne  so  much  profits  continu- 
ally as  will  keep  their  poore,  and  ease  their  purses,  (pro- 
uided  alwaies,  as  I  said  before,  that  they  send  such  men 
as  are  fit,  and  that  the  Justices  of  euery  Shire  be  carefuU 
to  appoint  such  a  man  to  be  their  Captaine  and  Director 
as  is  honest,  and  of  good  vnderstanding,  and  that  God 
blesse  them  from  losses,)  will  I  be  contented  to  suffer 
death. 

And  yet  let  me  tell  you,  that  if  it  should  please  God, 
that  once  in  seuen  yeares  a  ship  should  bee  cast  away 
(which  is  more  than  hath  beene  usuall,  for  I  dare  say, 
that  for  euery  ship  that  is  cast  away  in  those  voyages, 
there  is  100  which  commetH  safe)  yet  it  is  but  that  yeares 
profite  lost,  and  perhaps  not  halfe. 

Another  obiection  may  be  this,  That  all  men  are  not 

Fishermen, 


A  VOYAGE  INTO  NEW  ENGLAND.    137 

Fishermen,  and  that  it  is  not  so  easie  a  thing  to  take 
fish,  as  I  make  it. 

To  that  I  answer.  That  take  a  survey  of  all  the  men 
that  goeth  in  these  voyages,  and  there  shall  not  bee 
found  one  third  of  them  that  are  meerly  fishermen,  and 
no  other  Trades. 

Nay,  I  know  many  ship-Companies,  that  have  amongst 
them  house-Carpenters,  Masons,  Smiths,  Taylors,  Shooe- 
makers,  and  such  like,  and  in  deed  it  is  most  fit 
they  should  be  such :  and  I  saw  by  experience,  that 
divers  who  were  never  at  Sea  before  this  yeare,  proued 
very  good  fishermen :  but  I  could  wish  that  euer  a  fift 
part  of  a  Company  be  Fishermen,  and  the  rest  will 
quickly  be  trained  up,  and  made  skillfull. 

I  would  to  God  that  some  one  Shire,  or  more,  would 
begin  this  godly  and  profitable  course.  For  certainely, 
God  hath  created  all  for  the  use  of  man,  and  nothing 
hath  he  created  in  vayne. 

And  if  wee  will  endure  povertie  in  England  wilfully, 
and  suffer  so  good  a  Countrey  as  this  is  to  lye  wast,  I 
am  perswaded  wee  are  guiltie  of  a  grievous  sinne  against 
God,  and  shall  never  be  able  to  answer  it. 

I  could  also  wish,  that  the  Lords  both  spirituall  and 
temporall,  the  Knights  and  others  to  whome  God 
hath  given  abundance  of  these  outward  things,  would 

(for 


138    A  VOYAGE  INTO  NEW  ENGLAND. 

(for  the  honour  of  God,  the  comfort  of  the  poore  of  our 
Land)  ioyne  together,  and  by  a  voluntary  contribution 
rayse  a  summe  of  money,  and  imploy  it  this  way  :  and 
that  the  profites  might  goe  to  the  maintaining  of  poore 
children,  and  trayning  them  up  in  this  course,  by  which 
they  may  be  kept  from  begging  and  stealing. 


CHAP.  VIII. 

Contaiius  certaine  directions  for  all  priuate  persons  that 
intends  to  goe  ifito  New-England  to  plant. 

EXT  unto  this  I  could  wish  that  euery  priuate 
man  that  hath  a  desire  this  way,  would  consid- 
er these  things  which  I  wil  heere  set  downe 
before  he  goe  too  farre,  lest  he  depriue  himselfe  of  the 
profite  I  haue  shewed  may  be  had,  and  be  one  of  those 
that  repent  when  it  is  too  late,  and  so  bring  misery  upon 
himselfe  and  scandalize  the  Country,  as  others  haue 
done. 

1.  That  it  is  a  Countrey,  where  none  can  Hue  except 
he  either  labour  himselfe,  or  be  able  to  keepe  others  to 
labour  for  him. 

2.  If  a  man  haue  a  wife  and  many  small  children, 
not  to  come  there,  except  for  every  three  loyterers  he 

haue 


A  VOYAGE  INTO  NEW  ENGLAND.    139 

haue  one  worker ;  which  if  he  haue,  he  may  make  a 
shift  to  Hue  and  not  starue. 

3.  If  a  man  haue  but  as  many  good  labourers  as 
loyterers,  he  shall  Hue  much  better  there  then  in  any 
place  I  know. 

4.  If  all  be  labourers,  and  no  children,  then  let  him 
not  feare,  but  to  doe  more  good  there  In  seven  yeares 
then  in  England  in  twenty. 

5.  Let  no  man  goe  without  18  monetbs  prouision, 
so  shaU  he  take  the  benefit  of  two  seasons  before  his 
provision  be  spent. 

6.  Let  as  many  plant  together  as  may  be,  for  you 
will  finde  that  very  comfortable,  profitable  and  secure. 


Note.    IC  nill  be  observed  that  in      I      was  merely  a  typographical  error  of 
the  Voyage  Chapt.  V  folloirs  ChapL  the  old  printer,  which  it  irea  tbooght 

111.    This  IB  BO  in  the  origin^,  and     |     best  not  to  correct 


i 


APPENDIX. 


The  Will  of  the  Rev.  Robert  More,  Father-in- Law 

of  Christopher  Levett. 


Da  Domine  perficere ;   Velle  dedisti: 
Jtily  22,  Anno  Domini  1642. 

N  The  Name  of  God  Amen,  I  Robert  More 
Master  of  Artes  Preacher  of  Gods  word  &  Rec- 
tor of  the  Church  &  Parrish  of  Gicslcy  growinge 
now  weake  &  feeble  by  the  daily  paynes  &  griefe  of  the 
Strangwry,  Consideringe  the  Fraylc  estate  of  this  poore 
sinful!  life.  And  beinge  now  about  the  age  of  yeares 
doe  ordayne  and  make  this  my  last  will  and  testament  as 
foUoweth.  And  first  for  my  religion  &  devotion  towards 
God,  my  faith  in  Christ,  &  my  loue  to  his  Saintes  &  Ser- 
uantes  on  Earth,  I  do  freely,  boldly  &  Constantly  beleeve 
&  Confesse  against  the  damnable  heresies  of  Turkes, 
Pagans,  Jewes,  Papists,  all  Phantasticall  ffamilists  &  all 

other 


:nt;  2  and  3, 


twin  brother  of 


Wife's  name  unknown. 
Children : 
Robert,  bom  Feb.  13, 1611.    Ursula, 
bapt.  Jan.  7, 1617. 


r 


Jievett, 
badnt, 
aell^bigail, 
lfiS|27, 1614; 
»t.  26, 
I,  Nov. 
hlartha, 
I  2,1611; 
be  as  a 
iy  inher- 
Jos- 
;  Ben- 
{i,  Eliza- 


{ 


Name  of  wife  un- 
known. 


Anne  J^cvett, 
Married  Mar.  1623, 
and  Mar.  27, 1627. 


Chris.  Topham, 
Merchant  and  Al- 
derman   of    York, 
died,  1625. 


Joseph  Miokle- 
thwaite,  Pbysioia 
died  Sept.  7, 1668. 


;  •  •  I    1  ■     •  :  '  -t   / 


J    ••••!!•.■      .  ■•    'ii. .: ' 


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V 


APPENDIX.  141 

other  old  or  newe  hereticall  devises  whatsoever,  that  same 
holy  ffaith  sound  doctrine  of  Saluation  by  Christ  alone, 
which  is  published  &  taught  in  the  Church  of  England  & 
which  I  have  beene  learninge  all  my  life  out  of  the  pure 
fountayne  of  the  vnchangeable  word  of  God,  both  in  the 
Vniuersitie  of  Cambridge  for  the  Space  of  Tenne  yeares, 
&  in  the  Countrie  euer  since  &  w^  I  haue  now  by  the  spec- 
iall  grace  of  God  publikelye  taught  &  preached  constantly 
both  in  the  South  &  North  parts,  &  in  my  owne  Charge 
especially  about  the  space  of  years  Continuinge  to 
the  extent  of  reasonable  abilitie,  to  reade,  expound,  Cate- 
chise, pray,  preach,  &  sing  Psalmes,  &  neuer  at  better  ease 
then  when  I  am  so  occupied  ;  Then  for  my  first  Callinge 
unto  &  charge  of  this  Rectorie,  whereunto  it  pleased 
God  to  call  mee  beinge  come  fro  Cambridge  when  I  was 
24  years  old  to  see  my  friends  &  stayinge  to  preach  at 
Skipton  Castle  by  the  request  of  y^  noble  Earle  George 
&  his  Lady  Margaret  Countesse  of  Cumberland  Daugh- 
ter to  y^  most  noble  &  worth ie  ffrancis  Earle  qf  Bedford, 
&  there  continuinge  about  a  yeare  and  an  halfe  preach- 
inge  in  Craven  &  once  or  twise  at  Giesley  vpon  intreaty, 
it  pleased  God  thereby  to  worke  such  an  earnest  desire 
&  constant  resolution  in  my  Predecessor  Mr.  Bateman 
to  resigne  &  giue  ouer  his  Charge  of  this  people,  by 
reason  of  his  owne  disabilitie,  that  the  noble  Earle  of 

Huntington 


142  APPENDIX. 

Huntington  vnderstandinge  thereof  did  acquaint  my 
Lord  of  Cumberland  &  his  Ladye  therew^  &  moved 
them  to  make  it  knowne  to  that  most  worthie  Earle  of 
Bedford  writinge  his  owne  ho^^^  letter  also  to  Patron  at 
the  Court,  w^  the  Earle  of  Bedford  sollicitinge  &  pcur- 
inge  the  helpe  of  his  noble  ffriends  the  Earle  of  War- 
wicke,  his  Son  in  Lawe,  the  Lo :  Peregrin  Bartu  Lord 
Willobye,  The  Earle  of  Oxford  &  S*"  ffrancis  Walsing- 
ham,  being  all  about  the  Court,  &  hauinge  heard  mee 
preach  it  pleased  God  so  to  move  all  their  harts  as  to 
ioyne  their  purses  together  &  to  purchase  the  Patrons 
title  of  p^sentinge  for  euer  &  to  passe  their  title  vnto  the 
Lord  Willobye  only,  who  did  beare  the  greatest  part  of 
the  Charge,  &  his  honor  to  p^sent  mee  first,  &  after  to 
passe  the  whole  Title  to  mee  foreuer,  w^  his  Lor?  did 
most  Ho^^y  performe  under  the  Scale  of  his  Armes,  & 
therefore  I  do  w^  all  reverence  &  thankfullnesse  Comend 
their  worthie  Zeale  &  holy  care  to  set  forward  the  preach- 
inge  of  the  Gospell  as  a  pattern  to  all  posteritie  &  in  this 
holy  faith  &  true  religion :  i :  to  beleeve  only  in  the 
infinite  mercies  of  God  the  ffather  by  the  merits  of  the 
sufferings  &  righteousnesse  of  Jesus  Christ  through  the 
grace  of  the  holy  sanctifyinge  spirit,  &  to  worship  this 
onely  true  and  eternall  God  the  ffather  son  &  holy  Ghost, 
3  persons  &  one  God  accordinge  to  his  owne  word  w* 

out 


APPENDIX.  143 

out  any  other  Romish,  Earthly  or  humane  inventions 
(except  such  only  as  for  order,  decency,  or  edification)  & 
sincerely  to  loue  the  Brethren  y*  do  the  like,  I  do  most 
ioyfully  &  constantly  Hue  &  dye,  as  for  the  controu'sies 
in  our  Church  about  ceremonies  &  the  order  and  manner 
of  gouernment,  this  is  my  comfort  y*  wee  cannot  iustly 
be  charged  w*  anything  y*  is  simply  evill  &  contrary  to 
Gods  word  though  many  learned  &  good  men  haue 
alwaies  holden  &  do  still  hold,  &  y*  w*  great  reason  y* 
needlesse  ceremonies  greatly  abused  in  Poperie  &  re- 
maininge  still  in  our  church  are  very  inconvenient  & 
dangerous  &  therefore  ought  by  the  authority  &  zeale 
of  our  Christian  gou'nours  in  conuenient  time  to  bee 
removed  &  not  multiplyed :  howsoeu[er]  for  the  time  by 
the  wisdome  &  humility  of  ye  modest  &  discreet  people 
they  may  bee  tolerated,  &  yet  this  also  in  this  case  is 
not  the  least  part  of  my  griefe  to  see  so  great  and  strong 
opposition,  euen  to  the  hazards  &  losse  of  their  estates  & 
callings,  yea  to  the  touch  &  liuelyhood  of  many  godly 
and  learned  men,  in  things  of  small  moment,  not  touch- 
inge  matter  but  manner,  not  substance  but  ceremonies, 
not  piety  but  pollicie,  not  deuotion  but  decencie,  not 
conscience  but  comelinesse ;  Wherein  for  myselfe,  I  do 
confesse,  y^  as  I  could  neuer  take  vpon  mee  to  bee  a 
resolute  Patron  of  such  humane  ordinances,  should  I 

neu[er] 


144  APPENDIX. 

neu[er]  fynd  lUst  cause  of  sufficient  waight  to  warrant  my 
selfe  or  any  other  to  oppose  or  renounce  them,  being 
comanded  by  lawfull  Authority,  but  rather  regardinge 
the  peace  of  our  Church  the  liberty  of  the  Gospell  & 
obedience  to  Authoritie,  I  haue  held  it  to  befitte  &  con- 
venient to  submit  myselfe  to  a  wise  &  discreet  tolera- 
tinge  &  vsinge  of  them  till  the  time  of  reformation ;  And 
I  haue  euer  laboured  to  perswade  all  others  (either 
remaininge  w^  mee,  or  resortinge  vnto  mee)  to  follow  the 
same  Course  whereof  'there  are  many  witnesses  yet 
liuinge,  &  many  others  who  are  w*  the  Lord.  But  most 
wofull  &  lamentable  aboue  all  other  abuses,  are  those 
dangerous  &  sacrilegious  robberies  &  spoyles  of  our 
Churches  both  in  the  South  &  in  the  North  parts 
whereby  our  Rectories  &  Parsonages  are  inappropriated 
&  wrongfullie  turned  into  the  possession  of  Covetous 
worldlings,  &  so  into  vicarages  &  miserable  Curatships 
of  5^S  lo**  or  20  marks  pensions  per  annum,  or  the  like, 
w*^  most  fearfull  &  bloody  robberie  the  Devill  first  devised 
&  practiced  by  y^  robbinge  Romish  vsurped  power 
vnder  p^tence  of  holinesse  &  charitable  relievings  of  his 
floystred  munkeries,  Abbats  &  nunries  &c,  most  griev- 
ously wronginge  thereby  the  maiesty  of  God  himselfe  w* 
the  Princes  &  people  also  of  the  world,  this  monstrous 
cryinge  abuse  hath  beene  so  suffered  &  continued  eu[er] 

since 


APPENDIX.  145 

since  the  death  of  K :  H :  the  8^^,  as  y^  all  the  godly  En- 
deavours &  zealous  care  of  our  famous  Ks.  &  Qs.  w^  our 
most  reuend  Bishops  &  Ho:^^®  nobles  &  whole  Estate 
could  neu[er]  reforme  the  same  &  vpon  this  wofuUspoill 
&  decay  of  our  Church  livings  Satan  hath  too  violently 
&  necessarily  drawne  in  another  mischiefe  worse  (if  pos- 
sible) then  the  former,  w*^  is  our  blind  guides  or  igno- 
rant readinge  Ministers  the  very  poyson  &  plague  of 
our  Churches  the  disgrace  &  shame  of  the  gospell  & 
destruction  of  our  people,  for  insufficient  maintenance 
hath  bred  insufficient  Ministers  &  these  two  are  the 
most  wofull  &  dangerous  in  our  English  Church  &  most 
necessarie  to  bee  reformed.  But  the  Christian  care  of  our 
gracious  King,  our  most  reuend  Bishops  (whose  princi- 
pall  care  &  charge  it  ought  to  bee)  our  zealous  nobles  & 
godly  subiects  w^  holy  worke  the  Lord  for  his  mercy 
wolde  bring  to  passe  in  his  good  appoynted  time  to  the 
glorie  of  his  name  &  Comfort  of  his  Church.  And  for 
my  earthly  estate  w^  is  not  greate  but  such  as  God  in 
his  mercifull  providence  hath  iuged  &  appoynted  to 
bee  best  for  mee,  first  for  my  freehold  lands,  as  God 
hath  giuen  dius  Tenements  and  Lahds  vnto  mee  so  do 
I  for  his  sake  &  to  be  a  poore  example  of  holy  devotion 

&  charity  to  others  of  better  ability  freely  &  cheerfully 

• 

giue  one  speciall  Tenement  in   Menston  now  in  the 

Tenour 


146  APPENDIX. 

Tenour  of  Christopher  Watson  of  the  yearly  rent  of  5^^ 
or  as  it  shall  bee  reasonablie  valued  hereafter,  w*  y^  con- 
sent of  the  sayd  schoolemaster  vnto  y®  schoolehouse  w^  I 
have  lately  builded  &  to  the  schoolemaster  thereof  for  his 
better  maintenance  w*  all  the  buildings,  Garth  &  Crofte 
on  the  backside  &  all  other  Closes  Crofts  &  landes  there- 
vnto  belonginge  w*  all  their  appurtenances,  in  Menston 
aforesayd  now  in  the  Tenure  of  the  said  Christopher 
Watson  or  his  assignes,  prouided  alwaies  &  vpon  this 
condition  y*  the  sayd  schoolemaster  bee  alwaies  chosen 
&  appointed  by  the  Rector  of  the  Church  &  to  have  his 
dyet  &  lodgeinge  in  the  Hall  and   Parsonage  w*  the 
Churchinge  duties  or  Tenne  Pounds  in  lue  thereof  if 
the  said  schoolemaster  cann  better  pVide  for  himselfe. 
And  secondlie  for  those  ffreehold  Lands  in  Menston 
which  I  bought  of  W.  Jeffray  Pickard  &  his  sonne  Wil- 
liam as  appeareth  by  the  deeds  therof  I  doe  give  them 
all  to  my  naturall  sonne  and  heire  Timothye  More  to- 
gether with  one  little  Deske  in  my  greate  Parlour  con- 
taininge  the  deeds  &  writings  thereof :  that  is  to  say  all 
that  Capitall  Messuage  with  all  the  Lands  now  in  his 
own  occupation  thereunto  belonginge  or  in  the  occupa- 
tion of  his  Assignes  for  &  during  the  Tearme  of  his  natu- 
rall life  And  to  the  heires  of  his  body  lawfully  begotten 
or  LawefuUy  to  be  begotten 

and 


APPENDIX.  147 

and  for  defalt  of  such  heires  then  I  doe  give  all  those 
said  Lands  vnto  Jeremye  Levett  my  Grandsonne  and  to 
his  heires  for  ever  accordinge  to  one  deede  of  ffeoffment 
which  I  haue  heretofore  made  to  my  worthy  ffreinds  & 
kinsfolkes,  M^  Doctor  Micklethwaite  &  M^  Parsevall 
Levett,  Cittizens  of  Yorke  whereby  I  haue  intaild  all 
those  Lands  unto  my  said  Grandsonne  Levett  for  the 
Tearme  of  his  Life  and  to  the  heires  of  his  body  Law- 
fully begotten  for  ever.  I  doe  also  giue  unto  him  the 
said  Jeremy  Levet  all  my  best  bookes  &  best  Apparrell : 
But  as  for  those  other  Three  Litle  Tenements  remain- 
ing in  my  owne  right  &  disposing  Lyinge  in  Menston  or 
Burleywoodhead,  the  first  whereof  beinge  late  in  the 
Tennour  of  Robert  Nixon  and  now  in  the  Tennour  of 
Walter  Fournesse  of  the  yearly  rent  of  seaven  Nobles ; 
the  second  in  the  Tennour  of  Richard  Sunderland  of  the 
yearely  rent  of  a  Marke ;  and  the  Third  in  the  Tennour 
of  Richard  Eldsworth  of  Burley  Woodhead  of  the  yearely 
rent  of  fforty  shillings  I  doe  give  them  all  with  all  the 
Lands  buildings  and  all  appurtenances  therevnto  belong- 
inge  vnto  my  Grandaughter  Marye  Levett  and  to  her 
heires  and  Assignes  forever  in  regard  of  her  CarefuU 
attendance  about  me  and  her  diligent  respect  of  my 
howse  keepinge  because  her  portion  is  the  weakest  of 
all  my  Three  Grandchildren,  As  for  all  other  Lands  & 

Tenements 

19 


148  APPENDIX. 

Tenements  in  Burley,  Burley  woodhead  or  elsewhere 
which  hee  my  sonne  Timothy  hath  bought  by  himself e  or 
with  my  helpe,  I  leave  them  all  to  his  owne  disposinge. 
And  for  my  Coppyhold  Lands  in  the  Forrest  of  Kharese- 
brough  I  have  disposed  and  surrendered  them  hereto- 
fore as  appeareth ;  Now  for  my  goods  vpon  this  Condi- 
tion that  my  said  sonne  &  heire  doe  not  att  anytime 
hereafter  make  any  Clame  thereof  or  doe  not  trouble 
my  Executors  about  the  same,  I  doe  giue  vnto  him  one 
greate  Siluer  bowle  with  two  greate  Siluer  Spoones  & 
two  Lesse  Siluer  Spoones  and  one  litle  Siluer  peice 
for  wine  &  one  gold  Ringe  with  all  Tables  Bedsteads  & 
other  household  Stuffe  remaininge  in  the  howse  att 
Menston  wherein  hee  now  dwelleth:  And  I  doe  also 
give  vnto  my  Granddaughter  Mary  Levett  the  iust 
somme  of  Three  hundred  Pounds  for  mendinge  her 
portion ;  Now  for  my  Worthy  Learned  &  Wor^^  Sonne 
in  Lawe  M'  Robert  Hitch  I  doe  give  vnto  him  all  that 
title  and  right  which  I  have  in  the  disposinge  of  the 
Rectory,  or  Parsonage  of  the  Church  &  Parrish  of  Gies- 
ley  which  was  assured  &  convayed  vnto  me  by  the  right 
j^Qbie  Peregrine  Lord  Willobye  vnder  the  Scale  of  his 
Armes  with  all  the  evidences  thereof  assuringe  myselfe 
that  if  my  Said  Sonne  in  Lawe  M^  Hitch  .bee  not  my 
next  Sucessor  that  then  my  most  hopefull  Grandsonne 

M^  Jeremy 


APPENDIX.  149 

M^  Jeremy  Levette  shalbe  my  next  Successor  &  none 
other  accordinge  to  his  most  faithful!  promisse  which 
hee  hath  freely  made  vnto  mee :  in  assured  hope  whereof 
I  doe  also  give  vnto  him  my  best  bedstead  in  the  greate 
Parlour  with  the  greate  wainscott  Presse  and  Portall  all 
the  Glasse  with  the  Iron  Barres  &  Casements  with  all  the 
Lowse  window  Soles  &  the  Wainscott  pertitions  in  the 
Hall  Parlours,  Kitchen  Iling  roomes,  Gallerye  Chambers 
with  all  the  Mapps  and  Pictures  with  all  the  Seats  &  Shel- 
ues  therein  &  all  the  loose  boards  in  the  high  Lofts  & 
over  the  Oxen  &  Calves  with  all  other  Swall  &  Timber 
in  the  Laith,  fould  or  wood  and  all  the  Timber  for  the 
Dove  Coate  with  all  Stees  and  heckes  and  Plancers  in 
the  Stable  beast  howses  or  fould,  with  all  the  Doores 
Lockes  &  Keys  in  the  Hall,  out  Kitching,  Stables,  Gar- 
ners, Layths  as  they  are  now,  with  the  same  Steepfatt 
and  all  other  Stone  troughes ;  the  out  portall  gate  &  all 
the  gates  about  the  fould,  with  all  other  petitions,  ffences 
&  Dowres  about  the  inner  Courte,  Garden  &  Orchard, 
the  value  of  all  which  I  leave  to  his  owne  Estimation : 
and  doe  thinke  them  all  to  litle  in  regard  of  his  true 
harted  Love  to  his  brother  Levett  &  his  Sister  Mary 
my  howsekeeper ;  And  my  will  is  that  all  these  Severall 
Parselles  doe  remaine  &  continue  to  the  vse  of  my  said 
Grandsonne  Levet  when  hee  shall  enter  vnto  it,  and  I 

doe 


I50  APPENDIX. 

doe  give  vnto  my  said  Grandsonne  M^  Hitch  one  little 
Ironbund  Chist  or   Coffer   with   severall   petitions   for 
swerall  Coynes  &  two  Gaueling  Staves  in  the  Hall.     It, 
I  give  to  Cozen  Ogden  in  Yorke  40^,  and  to  my  honest 
religious  Cozen  Snawdon  for  his  children  20^.     And  to 
my  true  Convert  M^  Goulsbrough  20^  to  bee  payd  vnto 
him  the  ffirst  day  of  May  w^  is  after  my  death  soe  longe 
as  he  Lives ;  To  Robert  Oldfeild  20^     To  Grace  Deni- 
son  xv^     To  Ellen  Bransby  vj^  viij^.     To  Isaacke  Illing- 
worth  vj^  viij^'     To  Tho :  Sergant  v^     To  Ro :  Dinison 
of  Yeddon  5^.     To  John  Rimer  vj^  viij^     To  my  Curate 
Tenn  Shillings,  To  my  Clarke  flfive  Shillings ;  and  to 
Hollins  Twelue  pence ;  ffor  my  buriall  dutyes ;  To  Eight 
power  Children  which   I  have  bound  ovt  Apprentises 
every  one   of   them    Twelve    pence.     To   litle    Isaack 
Illingworth  xij^.     Item,  I  give  vnto  Mr.  Charles   Ffair- 
fax  my  wor^^  &  Religious  Neighbour  my  Steile  Speire 
in  the  Portall  &  two  Gaueling  Staues  in  the  Kitching ;  & 
M*^  ffairfax  my  perfume  gilded  bellowes  &  to  my  Grand- 
daughter M^s  Sara  Hitch  my  Pepper  Millne  &  my  greate 
Abbay  grater ;  And  yett  to  shew  my  further  Care  & 
Charitable  towards  all  orderly  poore  besides  our  dayly 
releife,  att  our  monthly  Cesments  our  vsuall  Collections 
att  all  our  Communions ;  And  my  yearely  givinge  of 
Eight  or  Tenn   Pounds  out  of  my  owne  private  Box 

for 


APPENDIX.  151 

for  the  vse  of  the  power.  I  doe  give  ffower  Nobles  to 
every  Towne  a  Noble  to  be  dealt  to  every  power  house 
ffower  pence  or  Sixpence  by  the  dischretion  of  the 
officers  in  every  Towne  with  the  consent  of  Thomas 
Bailey,  Abraham  Bayston,  Mathew  Smith  &  William 
Morrell  &  to  haue  noe  beggin  att  my  ffunerall,  And  my 
will  is  this  to  bee  done  in  the  morninge  or  about  Sonne 
Sett ;  the  greate  bell  onely  beinge  told  in  going  to  & 
ffrom  Church  And  euery  honest  able  housholder  of 
this  Towne  havinge  vj^  sent  an  houre  before  or  two ;  to 
accompany  my  Corpes  And  to  have  two  or  Three  Pot- 
tells  of  Clarrett  wine  and  a  Manchett  loafe  beinge  Cutt 
in  fower  in  the  Hall  when  it  goeth  forth ;  And  onely 
the  buriall  prayers  in  the  Church  and  soe  home ;  And 
thus  my  Debts  Legacies  &  ffunerall  expenses  beinge 
discharged,  The  rest  of  my  goods  I  give  to  my  three 
Children  M^  Robert  Hitch  M^  Jeremy  Levett  &  Mary 
Levett  to  be  equally  devided  amongest  them ;  whome 
I  also  make  my  Joynt  Executors  of  this  my  Last  will  & 
Testament.  Domine  Jesu  veni  Cito  Amen.  Sealed  & 
deliuered  in  the  presence  of  vs  Raiph  Oates,  Curate. 
Abraham  Baitsonne.  Et  Septimodie  Mensis  Octobres 
Anno  D'm  1644  probatum  fuit  hujus  testamenti  per 
testimonium  Jeremioe  Levet. 

ROBERT  MORE. 


INDEX. 


Pages. 

Aberieney, 110,  IIO71 

Abnakis, 82,92,93,110 

Adams,  Nathaniel,  Annals  of  Portis- 

mouth, 90 

Alger,  Thomas 126 

Algiers, 16 

All  Saints  Pavement,  7,  ix 

Anni-seeds, 120 

"  Anspedwell,"  the, 46 

Aquamenticus  River, 92,  92n 

Arambega, 82 

•*  Arbella."  the 76 

Argall,  Capt.  Samuel 41 

Armada,  the 3 

Arundel,  Thomas  Howard,  Earl  of, 

81,  82 
Autograph  of  Levett,  Christopher, 
29,  31.  37,  66,  66,  69,  62,  64,  66 

Bailey,  Thomas  161 

Baitsonne,  Abraham 161 

Baker,  Edmund 126 

Bancroft's  United  States, 83 

Banks,  Dr.  Charles  E xl 

Barnsby,  Ellen 160 


Pages. 

Basket  Island, aS 

Bastable, 102 

Bateman,  Rev 141 

Bay  of  Biscay, 33 

Bay  of  Cadiz, 33 

Bayston,  Abraham 161 

Beauvois.  Eugene 82 

Bedford,  Francis,*  Earl  of 141, 142 

Beecher.  Sir  Willm 70 

Berry's  Sussex  Genealogy, 2 

Blddeford 21 

Biddeford  Pool 21,93 

Blunder,  Sir  George 36 

"  Bonneventure,"  the 46 

Boothbay, 101 

Boston  Harbor, 90 

Bradford,  Gov.  William 84,  91 

Bradford,  Gov.  William,  History  of 

Plymouth  Plantation, 16,  84 

Brewster,  Edward vii 

Bristol,  (England),.  .X,  76,  76n,  77,  91 

British  Museum, 7 

Brown,  Rev.  Frederick xi 

Bryant,  Hubbard  W xi 

Buckingham,  Duke  of,. 4, 6, 13, 30, 53, 


INDEX. 


153 


65, 66, 67, 69, 60, 62, 63,  73,  81.  81n 

Biirk's  Virginia, 83 

Burley  Woodhead. 147, 148 

Cabot,  Sebastian 6,  77 

Cabots,  the x 

Cadiz, ..33,34,40 

Caldwell,  Mr 71 

Calender  of  State  Papers, 84 

Calles, 40,  41,  46.  47.  48.  60 

Cambridge,  (England) 4 

Cape  Ann, 122 

Cape  Cod, 20,  41,  48 

Cape  Da  Boca, 40 

Cape  Elizabeth, 99, 101, 106 

Capemanwagan, 101,  104 

Cape  Mondego, 40 

Cape  Porpoise, , .   . .  18,  93 

Cape  of  Sagadahock, 101 

Cape  St.  Vincent, .40 

Casco, 24,  101 .  102, 104, 126 

Casco  Bay,  3,  24,  27,  31,  61,  67,  76. 

101, 106 

Casco  River, 106 

Cecil,  Edward 32 

Cersa-perilla, 120 

Champlain,  Sieur  Samuel  de...21.  89 

Chapman 126,128 

Charles  I, ix,  27.  30,  68. 81 

Charles,  Prince 26 

Charter  House. xi 

Cherry  Trees, 120 

Chestnuts 120 

Choiiacoet 93 

Cleeve,  George 99 

Cogawesco, 24,  102, 103, 104,  111 

Coke,  Mr 102 

Coke,  Sir  John . .  ..ix,  27, 28,  30,  31,  84 


3t,  39,  66,  66,  67,  68, 60, 63,  66 

Cole,  Amias, ;..90/i 

Collins,  Dr.  F xi,  6 

Columbus,  Christoper . . . .  ^ 5 

Conway,  (Indian  chief) 108,  111 

Conway,  Edward,  Lord ix,  13, 15 

31.71 

Conway's  Letter  Book ix,  13 

Cornwall. 61 

Council  for  planting,  ruling,  and  gov- 
erning New  England,.  .11, 12,  13, 
14, 16,  25,  36,  46,  74,  81,  82»i,  107 

Council  for  Virginia, 32. 35 

Cowper,  Lord, . ix 

Craven, 141 

Cromwell,  Oliver  1 35 

Cromwell,  Sir  Oliver 85,  45 

Croo,  Henry 63 

Crystal  Hill, 20.98 

Cumberland. 101 

Cumberland.  George,  Earl  of,  141, 142 
Cumberland,  Margaret,  Countess  of, 

141 
Cushing's  Island, 21,  99 

Dallaway's  Sussex, 2 

De  Costa,  B.F 83 

Delaware,  Lord 41,  83 

DeMonts, 21 

Denison,  Grace 160 

Derbyshire, ix 

Devereux,  Robert 43 

Diamond  Island, 21,99 

Dinison,  Ro. : 160 

Doncaster, xi,  72,  73 

Doncaster  Bridge. 72 

Don  River, 72 

Dorsetshire vii,8, 35 


154 


INDEX. 


Dover,  (England) 20 

Downing,  Emanuel 76 

Drake,  Sir  Francis  3,4,33 

"DreadnaughV'the 45 

Dunk^rkers, 51 

Eagle  Island, 03 

Eldsworth,  Richard 147 

Elizabeth.  Queen 5,  43 

Elizabethan  Age,  the 4 

Endicott,  John x,  74,  76 

England,  5, 16,  25,  32,  35,  36,  38,  47. 

120. 121 

Essex,  Earl  of, 41, 43,  49 

Exeter.  Earl  of, 32 

Fairfax,  Charles 150 

•'  Fairmaids," 51 

Fane,  Mr ix 

Farrington, 11 

Fish,  strange, 85 

Fisheries,  the  38, 92, 99, 101, 120, 122n, 

132 

Fletchers'  Neck, 93 

Fore  River, 21, 100. 105 

Forests,  protection  of, 10, 11 

Forster's  Yorkshire, 2 

Foumesse,  Walter .  147 

Fowl  abundant, 91, 120 

France, 30,  60 

Friar's  Bridge 72 

Frobisher,  Sir  Martin  4 

Fulford 6,  xi 

Fumados, 51 

Gardiner,  Sir  Christopher.  . .  .75,  76/i 
Giesley,  see  Guisley. 

Gilbert,  Sir  Humphrey 4 

Goold's  Portland, ....107 


Gooseberries, 120 

Gorgeana, 92 

Gorges,  SirFerdinando,.,.ll,  12»,  15, 
16, 18, 22, 23, 31, 31n,  37, 43, 76, 83, 

90,  92, 105 
Gorges,  Robert  15, 16n,  17,  31,  81,  90, 

91, 102 

Gouldsborough,  (Maine)  150 

Greenwich,  (England) 15 

Guisley, 6,  7,  ix,  141, 148 

Hackett,  Frank  W 90 

Hakluyt  Richard, 27 

Hamburgers, 51 

Harleian  Society, 2 

Hartwell,  Henrico 76 

Harvey,  Capt.  John .54 

Harvey,  Sir  John 83,84 

Heath,  Ro 70 

Henrietta,  Princess 25 

Henry  I, •. 2,  viii 

Henry  VII 1 

Henry  VIII, 145 

Herrings, 99 

Hitch,  Robert 148, 150, 151 

Hitch,  Sara 150 

Holdemess,  John,  Earl  of 81,82 

Hollins, 150 

Horsford,  Eben  N 82 

House  Island, 21.  99, 105,  106 

Hudson,  Henry 82 

Hunter's,  Doncaster 2 

Hunter's,  South  Yorkshire 2 

Huntington,  Earl  of 141, 142 

Illingworth,  Isaac 150 

Indians,  )  20.  22,  23,  24.  57, 67, 82,  90, 
Savages,  j     92,  98,  101,  105, 106, 108, 

114,  115 

Iron, 121 


INDEX. 


155 


Isle  of  Rh^,. (50,  62 

Isles  asses  hautes, 89 

Isles  of  Sholes, 17,  89,  90, 122 

James  I,. .  .5, 8,  30,  36,  72,  81, 109,  117 
Jarvis,  John,  Earl  of  St.  Vincent, .  .40 

Jellburt,  Captain 45 

Jesuit  Colony  at  Mount  Desert,. .  .41 
Jones,  William vii,  7,  8,  71 

Kennebunk  River, 18 

Khareseborough, 148 

Killultagh,  Viscount 15 

Leary,  Lieutenant 107 

Levett  Arms, viii,  1 

Levett,  Capt.  Christopher,  entitled  of 
Yorkshire,  2 ;  baptism  of,  2 ;  par- 
entage of,  2,  3;  little  known  of 
the  youth  of,  3 ;  education  of,  4 ; 
avenues  for  his  advancement  re- 
stricted^ 5 ;  attached  to  Bucking- 
ham, 6,  7;  intimate  with  the 
More  family,  6 ;  married  Mercy 
More,  7 ;  children  bom  of  the  first 
marriage,  7  ;  employed  in  the 
royal  forest,  7;  his  work  as 
Timber  Measurer,  7,  8 ;  value  of 
his  book,  9 ;  rarity  of  the  book, 
9n ;  Woodward  of  Somersetshire, 
10,  11 ;  death  of  his  wife,  11 ; 
second  marriage  of,  11 ;  children 
of  the  second  marriage,  11;  con- 
templated a  voyage  to  New  Eng- 
land, 13;  land  grant  to,  (1623), 
13, 13n ;  Conway's  letter  concern- 
ing, 14, 15 ;  not  successful  in  in- 
teresting his  Yorkshire  friends 
in  the  enterprise,  15 ;  set  out  for 
20 


New  England,  15,  16n;  at  Isles 
of  Shoals,  17,  89,  90 ;  at  Odioms' 
Point,  17,  90n;  met  Thompson, 
Gorges  and  members  of  the  new 
government,  17,  90,  91;  coasted 
eastward,  17-24,  92,  93;  his 
cheerful  spirit,  19,  73,  74,  96; 
seized  with  a  chill,  21,  97 ;  found 
the  Indians  friendly  and  hospi- 
table, 23,  100,  101,  102;  decided 
upon  a  place  of  settlement,  24, 
104, 105, 105n ;  erected  a  fortified 
building,  24, 105 ;  bade  adieu  to 
the  Indians,  24;  reached  Eng- 
land, 25 ;  found  none  bold  enough 
to  assist  in  colonization,  25,  26 ; 
sought  a  command  in  foreign  ser- 
vice, 26 ;  spent  Christmas  (1624) 
at  Sherborne,  26 ;  letter  to  Coke, 
27,  28,  29;  chafed  under  en- 
forced idleness,  30;  letter  to 
Coke,  30,  31 ;  became  interested 
with  Gorges,  31 ;  disappeared 
from  sight  for  a  brief  period,  31 ; 
in  the  expedition  of  Oct.  5,  1625, 
against  Spain,  31--34;  letter  to 
Coke,  34-37;  desired  command 
of  the  Neptune,  36,  37 ;  asked  to 
give  an  account  of  the  expedition 
to  Cadiz,  37,  38;  practical  sug- 
gestions of,  38, 39;  desired  to  ap- 
pear before  the  Council,  39,  52 ; 
his  proposals  how  to  reduce  the 
power  of  Spain,  39-53;  applied 
to  Nicholas  for  a  ship,  53,  54,  55 ; 
appealed  to  Coke,  55,  56;  not 
forgetful  of  his  plantation  in  New 
England,  57 ;  his  dependence  on 


156 


INDEX. 


Coke,  67;  wearied  with  petty 
jealoasies,  67 ;  letter  to  Coke,  68, 
69 ;  lost  sight  of  for  nearly  a  year, 
69;  not  with  Buckingham,  at 
Isle  of  Rh^,  60;  letter  to  Coke 
beseeching  him  not  to  let  New 
England  fall  into  the  hands  of 
the  enemy,  61,  62 ;  met  Bucking- 
ham, 63;  letter  to  Coke,  63,  64; 
his  opinions  relative  to  New  Eng- 
land, 64-66 ;  his  persistence  bore 
fruit,  66,  67;  grant  from  the 
King,  68-71 ;  contributions  taken 
up,  71 ;  prepared  an  account  of 
his  experience  in  New  England, 
71;  petitioned  parliament,  1627, 
in  relation  to  his  collecting  tolls 
at  his  bridges,  71,  72 ;  his  patent 
not  sustained,  72,  73,  73n ;  busy 
with  his  schemes  of  settlement, 
73 ;  met  Winthrop  at  Salem,  74, 
76;  how  came  he  in  New  Eng- 
land, 74, 76 ;  died  and  was  buried 
at  sea,  76,  76n ;  his  ship  met  by 
his  widow,  76 ;  his  estate  admin- 
istered by  his  widow,  76,  76m, 
77n;  his  character,  19,  24,  73, 
74;  autograph,  29,  31,  37,  66,  56, 
69,62,64,66;  mentioned,  vii,  viii, 
89,  90,  91,  93,  94,  99,  100,  103, 
106n,  106, 109. 110,  113,  122,  126, 
140. 

Levett,  Elizabeth viii.  ix,  x,  11 

Levett,  Mrs.  Elizabeth  1 

Levett  family, 1,4 

Levett,  Frances x,  76 

Levett  Inn, 4 

Levett,  Jeremy 4,  7, 147, 149,  151 


Levett,  John 4,  4»i 

Levett,  Mary 7,  147,  148,  149,  161 

Levett,  Mercy 6,  7, 1 1 

Levett,  Percival viii,  2,  147,  149 

Levett,  Rebecca 7 

Levett,  Richard 3 

Levett,  Robert 1 

Levett,  Sarah 7 

Levett,  Thomas 1 

Levett,  Timothy 11 

Levett,  William 72 

Levett's  Book, xi 

Levett's  River, 22.100 

London. vii,  ix,  xi 

Lottisham,  Frances 11 

Lottisham,  Oliver 11 

Love,  Capt.  Thomas 46 

Mackey,  James 106 

Mackey's  Island, , 106 

Macworth,  Arthur 22 

Macworth's  Island, xii,  22, 106 

Madena,  Duke  of 43,  49 

Maine, 18 

Maine  Historical  Society vii,  107 

Maine,  Province  of 26 

Mansfeldt,  Count 26 

Maria,  Princess  of  Spain 26 

Martin,  Richard 22 

Martin's  Point, 22 

Mason,  Capt.  John 76,  90 

Massachusetts, 90, 122 

Massachusetts  Bay, 74 

Massachusetts     Historical     Society 

Publications,     90 

Maverick,  Amias 90 

Maverick's  Description  of  New  Eng- 
land  107 


INDEX. 


157 


Maverick,  Samuel 90, 106, 107 

Melbourne  House, ix,  27,  39 

Melton, viii,  1,  2 

Menawormet, 102,111 

Menston,. . .     145,  146, 147 

Micklethwaite,  Mr.  Dr 147 

Mill  Bridge,  72 

Millers*  Doncaster, 2 

Monhegan  Island, 20,  98,  104 

Monopolies. 12,  72 

More,  Mercy ix,  6 

More,  Rev.  Robert 6 

More,  Rev.  Robert,  Will  of 140 

More,  Timothy 146, 148 

Morrell,  William 16, 151 

Morton,  Thomas, 76,  76n 

Mosquitoes, 123 

Mount  Desert,  41 

Munjoy  Island, 22 

Murphy,  Henry 82 

Negro  Island, 93 

Neiirs  Virginia  Carolorum, 54 

"  Neptune,"  the 36.  37 

New  England,  vii,  viii,  ix,  x,  11,  13, 
15,  16,  16/1,  17,25,28,31.  36,37, 
38,  41,  61,  52,  53,  67,  61,  63,  67, 
70,  71.  73.  74,  75,  82,  83,  84.  85, 
89,  98,  105, 114, 121,  122,  123,  126, 
127.  131, 138. 

New  England  Patent,  25 

Newfoundland. 51 

New  Plymouth,  see  Plymouth,  Mass. 

Nicholas,  Edward 53,  54,  55,  57 

NicoU,  Ferdinando 76 

Nixon,  Robert 147 

Normanton, viii,  1 


Northern  Colony, 81 

North  Yarmouth, 101 

Norumbega, 82 

Nova  Albion, 82 

Gates,  Ralph 151 

Odiorne's  Point, 17,  90 

Ogden, 150 

Oldfield,  Robert 150 

Old  Orchard  Beach, 21 

Opparun  wi  t, Ill 

Oxford,  Earl  of, 142 

Pannaway, 90,90» 

Paradise  of  New  England,  the...  .122 

Paris, 59 

Pascataquack, 76 

Pascattaway 92 

Paul's  Churchyard, vii 

Pawwawes, 116 

Paynter,  Rev.  Henry, 76n,  77/i 

Peaks'  Island, 21,99 

Pemaquid 102, 103, 122 

Pennington,  Thomas 56 

Penobscots,  the 23 

Pesmokanti, 92 

Pickard,  William 146 

Pickard,  W.  Jeffrey 146 

Pierce,  Capt.  William 74 

Pilchards, 51 

Pilgrims,  the 91 

Pipe-staves, 121 

Piscataqua, 76 

Piscataqua  River, 17,  90 

Pitch, 121 

"  Plantation."  the 83 

Plum  trees. 120 


158 


INDEX. 


Plymouth,  (England,)  30,  31,  34,  39, 

62,  76,  90 
Plymouth,  (Massachusetts,)  12, 16,82, 

84,  84n,  91,  122,  127 

"  Poor  Johns," 61 

Popham,  Sir  John 28 

Portland,  (Maine,)  xi,  77 

Portland  Harbor 21,  23,  67, 99 

Portsmouth,  (England,)  64 

Portsmouth,  (New  Hampshire,)  90, 92 

Power  Children,  the 160 

Presumpscot  Fall, 22, 100 

Presumpscot  River, 22,  23,  lOOn 

Prince  Society, 12, 16 

Privy  Council 16,  67,  76,  76,  82 

Probate  of  Bristol, x 

Public  Record  Office, 13 

Public  Records, ix 

Puntal,  Fort  at, aS,  41,  44 

Purchase,  S 4 

Putney,  Baron  Cecil 32 

Quack. 97,99,  102,  104 

Quack,  name  given  to  the  territory 
explored  by  Levett, 21 

Ralegh,  Sir  Walter 4,  11 

Ram  Island, 93 

Raspes, 120 

Ratcliff,  Philip 76 

Records  of  Council  of  New  England, 

13 

Rh6,  Isle  of 60,  62 

Richmond  Island,. . ....     22 

Rich ,  Robert, 82 

Rimer,  John 150 

Rochelle, 56,60 

Rolls  House, xi 


Rotherforth,  Alexander 3 

Rotherforth,  Elizabeth vlii,  3 

Rotherforth,  Robert 3 

Rouse,  Nicholas 126 

Saco, 18.  21,93,  93n 

Saco  Bay, 97 

Saco  River,  17,  19,  20,  93,  94,  96,  97, 

98 

Sadamoyt, 23 

Sagadahock 101 

Sagadahoc  River, 23 

St.  Martin 60 

St.  Mary,  port  of, 49 

St.  Mary's  Bridge, 72 

St.  Michael  le  Belfry, 7 

Salem x,  74,  76,  76,  76» 

Salmon, 99,100 

Salmon  abundant, 22 

Sainsbury,  William  Noel xi 

Sassafras, 120 

Savages,  see  Indians. 

Sawaguatock, 93 

Scrope,  Lord  Emanuel, 15 

Sergan  t,  Tho 160 

Sewairs  Ancient  Dominions  of 

Maine, 83 

Sherborne,  vii,  viii,  7,  8, 11,  26, 29,  30, 
35,  37,  62,  63,  64,  76,  76n 

Shurtleff ,  Nathaniel  B 90 

Skelton,  Rev.  Samuel 74 

Skipton  Castle, 141 

Skitterygusset 23,  111 

Smith,  Capt  John  11,  16n,  82.  89, 122 

Smith,  Matthew 161 

Smith's  Isles, 89 

Snawdon, 160 

Snydale, 1 


INDEX. 


159 


Somerset, 102, 103,  108,  111,  112 

Somersetshire, vii,  10,  11 

Sother  Cape, 40,  44,  48,  50 

Southern  Colony, 81 

Southport 101 

Sowocatack, 93 

Spain, ... .3,  26. 31,  32/i,  33,  38,  39,  41 

52,67 

Spaniards, 3,  aS,  34,  40,  41 

Spelman,  Sir  Henry, 13 

Spurwink, 17,  20.  99 

Squibb,  Capt.  Thomas, 16 

Squanto, 115,  116 

Stage  Island, 93 

State  Papers, 83,84 

Stoke's  Bay 56,66 

Strawberries, 120 

Stuart,  James 5 

Sturgions, 99 

Sunderland.  Earl  of, .... : 15 

Sunderland.  Richard 147 

"  Susan  and  Ellen,"  the. .32, 37,  56, 56 

"  Swiftsure,"  the 41 

Sykes,  Dr.  John xi 

Tanto, 112,  116,116 

Tar, 121 

Tarrantens, 112 

Thaker,  Mr. 29 

Thevet's  Cosmogrophie, 82 

Thompson,  David 17,  90 

Thompson,  Mrs.  David 90 

Timber  in  English  forests. 10 

good  store  of,  in  New  Eng- 
land,.... 91.92,101,121 

Trelawny  Papers, 90, 92, 107, 126 

Trelawny ,  Robert 22, 105 

Tucker,  Richard 99 


Verrazano,  Hieronimus 83 

Vetromile's  Abuakis. 82 

Villiars,    George,   see   Buckingham, 
Duke  of. 

Vines,  Richard, 21,  22 

Virginia, 54,  66,  81,  82,  83 

Virginia  Company, , . .  5 

Walnuts, 120 

Walsingham,  Sir  Francis 142 

Warwick,  Earl  of 81,142 

Waters,  Henry  F., xi 

Watson,  Christopher 146 

Waymouth,  Capt.  George 99 

Wentworth,  Sir  Thomas 73 

Wessagussett, 91 

West,  Lady  Anne 83 

West,  Capt.  Francis  16.  I6/1, 82, 83, 84 

West  Indies, 38,  61,  52 

West,  Sir  Thomas 83 

Weston,  Mr. 16, 126, 126 

Weston,  Thomas. 91,  91/i 

Weymouth.  (Massachusetts,) 91 

White  Mountains, 94 

Wiggin,  Capt.  Thomas 76 

"  William,"  the 76 

Will  of  Rev.  Robert  More, 140 

Willoughby,  Lord  Peregrin, 142 

Wimbledon,  Lord 32,  33,  34,  4()w 

Winter,  John 22,106,126 

Winthrop's  Journal, x 

Winthrop's,  Gov.  John,    New  Eng- 
land,  74,76,76 

Winthrop,  John,  Jr 76 

Witheridge,  Mr. 102 

Woodhouse, 1 

Wood  Island, 93 

Wood's  New  England  Prospect,..  110 


Yardley,  Sir  George  . 

Yeddon, 

York,  Cowity  of,  (  vii 
Yorkshire,             ) 
York  Deeds, 


York,  (England,)  viil,  ix,  xl.  2.  7,  13, 

14,  147,  IGO 

York,  <Maine.)  24, 65.  92,09, 101, 102, 

104 

York,  President  of, 13,15 

YorkUiver, IS 

Young's,   Aleinnder,  Chronicles   of 
the  Pilgrims, HO 


Note.    This  indei  was  made  by  Kdward  Ueuham,  Esq.,  ot  New  Bedford,  Mass. 


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LIST  OF  members,  1893. 


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